The University RecordVolume I JULY 19 15 Number 3INFORMED VERSUS EMOTIONAL WILLOF THE PEOPLE1By THEODORE MARBURG, M.A., LL.D.Baltimore, Md.IAt the outset let me profess my faith in representative democracyand confidence in the united thinking of the many. The great fact ofthe past has been the oppression of the many by the few. Unless wehave democracy, violent revolution is required to throw off the oppressiverule of the few. This is the justification of democracy and a sufficientreason for its existence as a permanent and not a passing phase ofpolitical development.Moreover, the united thinking of the many results in thinking true.The few have generally led throughout history, either to the advantageor disadvantage of the many. But when it comes to sound thinking,just as the united judgment of a jury of twelve men on a question offact is superior to that of any one man, so the judgment of the people asa whole, except in moments of passion, is superior to that of any smallgroup. But it is essential that democracy should be representative andthat the will of the people should be the informed will of the people,which is the outcome of real thinking.Our Republic has lasted longer than any important republic in history. What explains it? Leaving out of account any assumption ofsuperior political genius in the race and absence of economic pressure to1 Delivered on the occasion of the Ninety-fifth Convocation of the University,held in the Women's Quadrangl ;, June 15, 1915.USn6 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDcause discontent, the long life of the Republic would appear to be dueprincipally to two things: representative government and local government. So long as local government exists, extent of dominion does notendanger the life of the state. So long as representative governmentprevails, there is a chance of escaping the tyrannical action of the majority which characterized ancient democracies.The principle of representation, unknown to the ancient world, wasone of the greatest forward steps ever taken in political history. Itimplies: (a) the selection of legislators who are above the average of thecommunity in intelligence and character; (b) the further education ofthese men through present debate, and (c) through length of service inthe legislature.All three of these elements are essential. If any one be lacking, theresults are inferior. The disappointment experienced by the Americanpeople in their state legislatures arises from the partial failure of allthree to operate. As has frequently been pointed out, absorption inbusiness, so interesting in this land of opportunity, has operated to keepthe best intellects out of politics. It has likewise caused the citizen toneglect his political duty, namely, a discriminating use of the franchise.The customary short sessions of the legislatures make adequate discussion of the measures before them very difficult, and the wretchedsystem of swapping favors, together with the inferior character of thelegislators, prevent the same men from being returned through a seriesof years.If the national legislature has worked so much better than the statelegislatures, it is because in its case these three principles have operatedto a much greater extent. We need only read in the Congressional Recordthe speeches of the newly elected member of the federal House or Senateand compare them with the speeches of this same man after severalyears' service in the Congress to recognize the educative influence ofthese representative bodies on their members.The history of England shows that the representative principle ofgovernment may be made to work. The history of our federal legislature shows it. And the history of many of our states shows it despitethe shortcomings of others.IIIn the initiative, referendum, and recall, including the recall of judgesand judicial decisions, we discover an attempt to supplant representativedemocracy by direct democracy. Now what effect is this likely to haveon our liberties and on the life of the Republic ? Before answering thisINFORMED VERSUS EMOTIONAL WILL OF THE PEOPLE 117question it is necessary to differentiate between communities. Knowledge is a voyage of discovery, the discovery that the apparently simpleis really complex. The failure to discriminate in the application oftheories is the source of infinite mischief everywhere. Direct democracyhas worked well in the Swiss cantons such as Uri and Unterwalden,where the people are not too numerous to come together and really todeliberate. In its modified form — that is, through the initiative andreferendum — it has been applied over Switzerland as a whole, and it canno doubt be made to work successfully in sparsely settled sections ofthis country. When applied to regions thickly populated, it has muchless chance of success because the distractions of daily life in such placesprevent adequate consideration of public issues on the part of the many.We hear much about the will of the people, but little about theinformed will of the people. The important thing is to maintain institutions which insure expression of the informed will of the people. Ourfederal and state constitutions, bi-cameral legislatures, courts, the vetopower of governor or President, all are designed to bring out the informedwill of the people. Among large populations, unless these institutionsare retained we will have the emotional will of the people instead ofthe informed will of the people expressed in our statutes and administrative acts. This will mean impairment of individual liberty, spoliation,communism, and anarchy, the only return from which last is through thedoor of despotism. Privileges once indulged to all the people cannoteasily be taken away from a part of them. True, the white men of thesouthern states succeeded in getting into their state constitutions amendments which took away from the black the franchise, indiscriminately,and therefore unwisely, extended to him after the Civil War. But howwas this effected ? By the use of the shotgun to keep him away fromthe polls.The maintenance of local state government in a healthy conditionis a safeguard against general disorder. But if class war and anarchyshould come in this vast country it would be only by means of a dictatorship, such as we witness constantly in Central and South America,that order could be restored. This means depriving all the people oftheir liberties and it means a long and painful struggle to recover them.Many men in England and Germany and France feel that our government has not yet been put to the test. The Civil War was a politicaltest. We have not yet had the social test, which will come when congestion of population shall create numbers of the disinherited with thefranchise in their hands.n8 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDThere is a wave of social unrest all over the world. Great Britain,in the recent past, has been indulging in a carnival of democracy.A few years ago it precipitated a revolution there, bloodless, it istruej but none the less drastic. I refer to the new provision of the Britishconstitution by which the will of the Commons became supreme, practically abolishing the Lords as a co-ordinate branch of the legislature.Specifically, the new rule provides that if a measure pass the Commonsthrice in a period of not less than two years — the delay is an importantfeature — it shall become law without the assent of the Lords. Above allcountries enjoying constitutional government, Great Britain needs aneffective second branch of the legislature, because it has no written constitution. That fact makes the will of the Commons, under the newrule, the supreme law of the land. And in this connection we must bearin mind the disappearance of the system of unpaid members, under whichrepresentation was intrusted to the educated classes, and which systemhad much to do with making the British Parliament the most illustriousand most remarkable legislative body in the world. Certain Frenchthinkers have suggested that political equality, giving rise to a desirefor social equality, would in time seriously interfere with Western civilization. Is it not possible that within the past few years we have beenwitnessing the beginnings of such tendency in England ?In the debates on the question of the Lords there was frequent reference to the will of the people, almost none to the informed will of thepeople and to the institutions designed to develop and ascertain it.Everybody has been toadying to the masses. The tendency has beenparticularly marked in the field of labor legislation. When the matterof workingmen's pensions first came up, in the form of old-age pensions,the government expressed a preference for the German system, underwhich the employer, the employee, and the state each contributed athird. The laboring men, through their central labor union, cried : " No !We are veterans of industry just as soldiers are veterans of war, and wewant the whole of the pension from the state." There is probably nogreater instance of social injustice than that men and women who haveled a life of industry and perhaps reared a family, should be thrown, intheir old age, upon public charity. The need of old-age pensions istherefore one of the first needs of a well-ordered state. But the contributory system, which the British government favored, would havesaved a great principle: the principle of self-help. Bearing in mind thisvictory of the labor forces, we are now faced with the fact that the samecentral labor union declared, several years ago, that the governmentINFORMED VERSUS EMOTIONAL WILL OF THE PEOPLE 119must provide work for all unemployed. Men are too prone now to leaveprivate employ for little cause, and if they had the state to fall backupon as an employer the major part of industry would soon be organizedunder state socialism. What the agitators in England have failed torecognize is the truth embodied in the words of the Master: " Ye havethe poor always with you." There will always be men relatively inferior.The wastrel of today is far superior, in point of character and purpose,to the savage. But while he has progressed, through his antecedentsand environment, the whole of society has progressed. It is his relativeinferiority, not his absolute inferiority, which causes him to be worsted.And to lessen the penalties of inferiority is to multiply the numbers ofthe inferior. The proportion of the " disinherited' ' can be greatly lessened; but to tell men that poverty is wholly the result of defectiveinstitutions instead of largely in themselves is to make them socialrebels.Some thinking men in England are beginning to feel that a rigid constitution, like our own, has its advantages. England is confronted withthe grave fact that such a large proportion of her people live in cities,where congestion, defeating all the efforts of the settlement worker,leads to moral and physical decline, and that there is an absence ofa healthy and prosperous farming community to bring new vigor tothe cities. This is a fundamental consideration because it affects thefuture of the race. England can feed her excessive population onlyby exchanging manufactures for foodstuffs, and any interruption toher foreign commerce by trade depression elsewhere or by othercauses is immediately and disastrously reflected in the home labormarket. This raises the question whether the vaunted repeal of thecorn laws will in the end have proved to be a blessing or a curse forEngland.It is a time at which above all we need to hold fast to the institutionsto which most of us feel the continuance of our form of government upto this time has been due.The initiative and referendum are not instruments of representativegovernment. Rather do they undermine it. Certainly they lessen theresponsibility of the legislator. What incentive is there under this system to this man to make a conscientious investigation of a proposedmeasure and to weigh the pros and cons in debate? Why should hetake the trouble to inform himself with, a view to judging rightly for thepeople he represents if the people themselves are going to do it for him;if, by the initiative, they have demanded of him a definite legislative120 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDenactment, or, by referendum, will accept or reject enactments immediately afterward ?Again, if the judge knows that he or his decisions are subject to recall,is he not prone to bow to popular clamor at the start, with the resultthat his cases will be tried for him by the populace ?In large communities direct democracy in any form will sooner orlater come to reflect the emotional will of the people. If only one ortwo measures were before the public and it was given weeks in which toconduct a campaign, we could generally rely upon its judgment registering true, always provided there was an absence of excitement. But insome instances in this country where the initiative and referendum obtainwe have had over a dozen complicated measures, filling up several closelyprinted pages, submitted for decision by the people. How could theypass discriminatingly upon them ? And how are we to keep withinreasonable bounds the number of legislative enactments which, for private or party or class reasons, will be referred back to the people ?IllIt has been proposed to use the initiative and referendum, not onlyto change the statute laws, but to change the constitutions of the states,either directly or by overruling the decisions of the courts based uponconstructions of the constitutions. Suppose such a system had existedin Kansas in the early nineties. You will remember that this was aperiod of low prices, which prevented farmers from meeting the intereston debts incurred to enlarge their farms, and that, as a result, Kansasand some of the neighboring states had become debtor communities withinterests hostile to the creditor. You will recall the attitude of the peopletoward mortgages, the attempt in 1893 to confiscate them, the fightingin the State House, the recognition by the Governor of the speaker andofficers chosen by the Populists, and his order to the commanding officerof the state militia to exclude from the State House all persons notrecognized as representatives or employees by the Populist speaker.It so happened that the officer of the militia was a sensible man; herefused to obey the order of the Governor and thus avoided bloodshed.But if the majority of the people had had their way there would havebeen a serious attempt at confiscation, to be blocked only by the federalcourts. Their interests were overwhelmingly in one direction, and therewas no adequate sustaining public opinion in favor of honesty.It is generally admitted that if the will of the people had been voicedat the beginning of the first Bryan campaign (1896) this country wouldINFORMED VERSUS EMOTIONAL WILL OF THE PEOPLE 121have had a dishonest dollar — the emotional will of the people insteadof the informed will of the people expressed in its laws. And who candoubt that if the separate states of the Union had enjoyed the right tocoin money a considerable group of them would have adopted free silver ?We have here a warning, not only that the hasty acts of the peopleare to be guarded against, but that when the interests of the whole massof the people in a given locality are in one direction even their deliberateacts may make for injustice ? And that is exactly why the federal Constitution, with its guaranties of personal and property rights, is set upabove the state constitutions. If the people of Kansas had succeededin their attempt to confiscate mortgages in that state, the arm of thefederal government, on complaint of an individual in the federal court,would have been stretched out to stay the dishonest act: first, the stateconstitution, to protect the rights of the minority, and next, when thisbulwark gives way, the guaranties of the federal Constitution. The menwho framed our government realized that it required the play of thediversity of interests over the wider area, added to the broader play ofthe sense of right and wrong, to keep the smaller entity true.These are facts which we must look in the face. To recognize themdoes not imply lack of confidence in the informed will of the wholepeople; it does imply profound mistrust of the emotional will of thepeople and of the selfish acts of a small group of them. It lays bare theneed of clinging to institutions which will help us to appeal from Philipdrunk to Philip sober.In the past few months we have heard much of the need of allowingthe people themselves to pass upon proposed declarations of war. Now,when the war fever is on, the people, at least under constitutional government, are the last element to be trusted. The legislature in turn is lessconservative than the cabinet or ministry, who know that, no matterwhat the popular clamor, it is they who will be pilloried before historyfor an unjust or unsuccessful war. Of course the same cannot be saidof autocratic governments under which personal ambitions or a mistaken view of public interest may lead the sovereign, the military class,or the bureaucracy to precipitate war contrary to the will of the people.The Congress of the United States, urged on by the public, forced theadministration into the Spanish-American War and the people of Italyforced their government into the present war. Mr. McKinley had madeup his mind that the intolerable and protracted wrongs of Cuba must berighted, but he still hoped to accomplish this peacefully, when Congressdisplayed an unmistakable temper in favor of war.122 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDIVIn America, one of the manifestations of the nervous desire forchange, misinterpreted as progress, is the present cry for increased "homerule" in the cities. Now, it is precisely in the great cities that thetriumph of socialism is most to be feared, not in the state as a whole.France guards against this danger by giving the prefet of the departementreal powers over the cities and towns in his jurisdiction. Englandescapes it by limiting the franchise in municipal elections and by makingnecessary the consent of Parliament to any drastic municipal action.Here in America our true interest lies, not in the direction of releasingthe city from dependence on the state, but rather in preserving suchdependence as still exists.In the nation at large the triumph of Socialism is hardly to be feared.Nine- tenths of the Socialist program is a program of reform which everyjustice-loving man would like to see carried out. It is this fact which,in most countries, swells the ranks of the party. The final tenth, which,however, appears in the Socialist program everywhere, viz., the abolitionof the institution of private property, is the fatal element. WhenSocialists are asked what they would do with a man who refused to workif the institution of private property were abolished, they sometimesanswer: " We would starve him." But no! That they would not do.It would be inhuman. What they would do would be to confine himand to endeavor to compel him to work, which is simply a system offorced labor or slavery. So that the institution of private property isthe only thing which stands between society and slavery. This is sopatent that if the triumph of Socialist principles in the state wereactually threatened, the ranks of the party, who are attracted to it bythe general program of reform, would probably melt away. In themeantime the Socialist propaganda is perhaps beneficial, because it helpsto draw the attention of men to grave abuses.All this feverish agitation for new devices in government turns theattention of men away from the true defect — namely, personnel. Withsuch men as we have today in many of the state legislatures and in ourcity governments the results would be just as bad under any system.If it be because political duty sits so lightly on men now that we have aninferior personnel in office, how can the fact that people will pass uponmeasures instead of men mend matters ? How can it possibly operateto increase the voter's sense of responsibility ? Certain great principlesof legal justice and administrative justice have been worked out asexpressing the accumulated experience of the race. These were deliber-INFORMED VERSUS EMOTIONAL WILL OF THE PEOPLE 123ately embodied in our fundamental law and statutes. They are presentin the minds of judges and administrators. To allow them to be throwndown by gusts of popular passion or class interest is like tearing downthe moral code, as Ibsen and George Bernard Shaw and even the greatTolstoi do at times, and permitting every man in a moment of passion toset up his own moral code.It may be urged that the initiative, referendum, recall, and commission form, of government are working satisfactorily in some places in thiscountry today. My answer to this would be twofold:First, as above indicated, these devices may succeed permanently insmall communities, where the acts of the governing body are conspicuously in the eye of the people and there is no large class conducting anunequal struggle with poverty and ignorance.Secondly, principles such as we have been discussing do not manifestthemselves in a day. When these devices are new, not only are a betterclass of men willing to accept office in order to engage in the constructivework of laying the foundations of a new system, but the attention of thepublic is directed upon these men to an unusual degree. When thenovelty will have passed, what assurance is there that the boss, who atpresent nominates the city council and the mayor, will not succeed innominating the commission ? And if this does happen the evil will bethe greater because the power of the commission is so great. For thecity, let us but find an expert like the English town clerk or the Germanmayor, clothe him with more than advisory power, and keep himthere. Let us but make the tenure of all appointive officers permanent,dependent solely on continued efficiency and good behavior. Let usbut organize to send back to the city council and to the legislature andto public office generally men who have served us well, and simplifythe task of the voter by a short ballot, and our troubles will be lesspronounced.At the bottom of all our difficulties in America is a persistent disregard of law. In many places the character of the men who execute thelaw is such as to breed in us contempt for them and their authority.But what is vastly more disastrous is that we lack respect for the law assuch, lack a sense of the immeasurable value of law-abiding habits toevery civilized community, i.e., of obeying the law because it is the lawand not for fear of the officer of the law. Are we going to help matters byrecalling judges who interpret it or by disavowing the acts of legislatorschosen to frame it ? Our true interests, do they not He in the oppositedirection, the direction of recognizing frankly that under a democracy124 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDwe must pay the price of liberty and good government — namely,vigilance — and so insist upon having better men in the legislature andin public office ? The people are blinded to the real issue, not only bythe flippant talk about changes in our form of government, but by asenseless belief in the efficacy of a flood of new laws. A vast amount ofsocial injustice would disappear with merely a fearless and honest administration of existing law, and with a governing sense of decency andhonesty and justice to shape the conduct of both citizen and official incases too subtle to be covered by law in advance of their arising. Whenthe wrong spirit is abroad in private and official life the foresight of thewisest of lawmakers is unequal to the task of insuring justice.VOur present institutions, local and national, are sound. It is theiroperation that is faulty, due solely to our neglect. The men who setup these institutions were closer to the times of license, the license of thepowerful and the license of the mob. It was to guard against both thatthey planned, because both are equally enemies of liberty.You will remember how the practice of ostracism often banished theAthenian citizen from his beloved Attica without rhyme or reason. Hisvery virtues may have made enemies among the populace, and if theenemies were numerous enough they banished him by vote. You willremember the awkward habit acquired by Roman emperors of sendingword to some individual that his room on the earth was more desiredthan his company and of inviting the gentleman to open his veins. Thevictim sometimes gathered his friends around him in a brilliant farewellbanquet and amid such a scene obeyed the emperor. But, whetherending his days thus in the manner of the dying swan or like a rat caughtin a trap, the fact was that when he got such a command he always didproceed to open his veins, because he knew that if he failed to do it amore terrible end awaited him. The Roman dominion was the civilizedworld. There was no place to which the Roman citizen could flee, bearable for a civilized man to live in, where the arm of Rome could not reachhim. You will remember how accusations dropped into the lion's mouthat Venice resulted in men being whisked off to the star chamber forsecret trial and conducted thence to prison. You will remember how,under the old regime in France, a lettre de cachet, secured by some private enemy who had influence at court, sufficed to take a man for theremainder of his life to the dungeons of the Bastile, where often his veryidentity was unknown to the keeper.INFORMED VERSUS EMOTIONAL WILL OF THE PEOPLE 125Coming down to our own day, you are aware what terror the adventof a policeman at his door may strike to the heart of a Russian, bringingup visions of a condemnation without a hearing and of a sentence worsethan death — banishment to Siberia. You are aware how, in this enlightened twentieth century and in so progressive a country as Germany, twofriends may be sitting together chatting at an inn and one of them letfall some criticism of the Emperor which will carry him to prison undersentence for Use-majeste. Here, when the policeman comes to your door,he is an officer of your state or of your city and not of the United States.We seem snug and comfortable in our homes here in America, but theliberties we enjoy are the result of generations of struggle on the part ofour ancestors — struggles of the American colonies against the mother-country, centuries of struggle in England against the king and the nobles,and back of that in the woods of Germany where the English spirit ofliberty had its birth. And we cannot afford to forget that "eternalvigilance is the price of liberty." No institutions will work automatically. Ours are of the best, but neither will they work automatically.Among African savages the man who accumulates too many cattle,and so excites the cupidity of the chief, is quietly knocked over thehead. In Mexico the "undesirable citizen" is arrested, ostensibly to becarried off for trial, but he never reaches his destination. The excusegenerally given for not bringing him in is that he tried to escape and sohad to be shot. The African method and the Mexican method are perhaps given more polite and formal clothing elsewhere, but virtually thesame practice has persisted throughout history where liberty has notbeen assured by law.Neither are we in this country guiltless at the present moment.When a self-constituted judge and jury knock at the door of the blackman in some of our states, visions of a terrible end come to him, an endeven more terrible than that which faces the hapless Russian and withequal lack of proper safeguards to determine his innocence or guilt.No condemnation is too strong for such lawless acts in communitieswhere the officers of the law may be relied on to visit upon the guiltyblack the full penalty of the law.I am aware that in view of the trials this country is about to facethis is no time to stir up acute domestic questions. But fairness compelsmention of it, both as a striking illustration of the principles we are discussing and because we are bound to acknowledge our own shortcomingswhen we undertake to criticize unjust practices in other lands.126 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDGovernment of law necessarily involves sacrifice of efficiency. Officials who are not hampered by law can, of course, be more effective. Ifit happens to be benevolent autocracy, we may be better off under itthan under a democracy, but the old question always comes back to us:Who will guarantee the continuance of the benevolent autocrat ? OurConstitution was balanced designedly, wonderfully balanced, in order toavoid alike the tyranny of the autocrat and the tyranny of the mob.The President is not a member of the legislative branch and not the soleoriginator of legislative measures. No members of the legislature areat the same time parts of the executive branch of the government, withpower to carry out the laws which they enact. The Supreme Court,independent of both branches, sits as a guardian of the rights of thepeople guaranteed by the federal Constitution, ready to declare unconstitutional any acts of the legislature which impair them. Representative government, the Constitution, and the courts are the pillars of thecommonwealths and of the Republic. Undermine them and you invitethe double danger of the state being governed by emotion instead of byreason, and of the substitution of a government of men for a governmentof law.THE BOARD OF TRUSTEESBy J. SPENCER DICKERSON, SecretaryAPPOINTMENTSIn addition to reappointments of officers of instruction the followingappointments have been made:Associate Professor Horatio H. Newman, to a Deanship in the Colleges of Science, from July i, 1915.Harold Ordway Rugg, Instructor in the Department of Education,from October 1, 1915.Professor Frank B. Tarbell, to the Curatorship of the ClassicalMuseum.Dr. Dudley B. Reed, of the Department of Physical Culture, asHealth Officer of the University, from October 1, 1915. He will be theexecutive official of the University Committee on Hygiene and Sanitation. His work will include, among other duties, the prevention andhandling of communicable diseases in the University community inconjunction with the city Health Department, and the inspection ofdormitories and fraternity houses.LEAVE OF ABSENCEThe Board of Trustees has granted an extension of the leave ofabsence of Associate Professor Charles R. Mann for one year fromOctober 1, 1915, in order to complete the work which he has undertakenfor the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.RESIGNATIONAssistant Professor Earle B. Babcock, of the Department of French,has resigned to accept a position in New York University. The resignation is effective September 30, 191 5.THE DEPARTMENT OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES AND LITERATURESThe Department of Semitic Languages and Literatures is to beknown hereafter as the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures. It will include such work as may be provided in the languagesof Eastern Europe as well as of Asia and Africa. For the present the127128 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDDepartment will fall into three sub-departments: (i) the Semitic Languages and Literatures; (2) Egyptology; and (3) the Russian Languageand Institutions. To these may be added, as circumstances may warrant, sub-departments of Japanese and Chinese, and others.Professor James H. Breasted has been appointed Chairman of theDepartment, from July 1, 191 5.THE NATHANIEL COLVER LECTURESHIPBy the gift of land in the city of Chicago, and the proceeds of its sale,Mr. Jesse L. Rosenberger and his wife, Susan E. Rosenberger, a graduateof the old University of Chicago, class of 1882, have endowed theNathaniel Colver Lectureship and Publication Fund. The income fromthis fund is to be used to defray the expenses of lectures or lecture coursesto be known as the Nathaniel Colver Lectures. These lectures are tobe given from time to time "by persons of eminent scholarship or otherspecial qualifications, on religious, biblical, moral, sociological, or othervital subjects, and to be delivered preferably in or in connection withthe Divinity School." Portions of the available income may be usedto publish, or to assist in the publication of, any of the lectures previouslydelivered.The Lectureship is a memorial of Rev. Nathaniel Colver, D.D. (1784-1870), a noted Baptist minister and reformer, who aided in the formationof the Baptist Union Theological Seminary, now the Divinity School ofthe University. He was the first theological professor in the old University of Chicago and the first teacher in the Theological Seminary.CAMPUS MEETINGS OF THE BOARDThe Board of Trustees has voted that hereafter at least two of itsmeetings each year shall be held at the University. In addition to theregular business of the Board, at these special meetings, the trustees willtake time for inspection of buildings, grounds, and equipment, and forexamination of special University activities. The first campus meetingof the Board under this action was held June 8.THE DEDICATION OF THE CLASSICS BUILDINGThe Classics Building, of which a photograph is printed as a frontispiece to this number of the University Record, was dedicated Mondaymorning, June 14, at eleven o'clock. Owing to the small size of theassembly room, only the departments immediately concerned and theheads of other departments in the University could be invited. Inthe presence of those assembled the following program was carried out:The ProcessionThe President's AddressHarry Pratt Judson, A.M., LL.D., President of the UniversityAddressesCarl Darling Buck, Ph.D., Litt.D., Professor and Head of the Department ofSanskrit and Indo-European Comparative PhilologyWilliam Gardner Hale, A.B., LL.D., Professor and Head of the Department ofLatinFrank Bigelow Tarbell, Ph.D., Professor of Archaeology and Head of the Department of the History of ArtAddress: "Our Ivory Tower"Paul Shorey, Ph.D., LL.D., Litt.D., Professor and Head of the Department ofGreekProfessor Shorey's address will be printed in a future number ofClassical Philology.After the ceremonies in the assembly room President and Mrs. HarryPratt Judson entertained about one hundred guests at luncheon in themuseum room on the fourth floor. Brief speeches were made by thePresident of the Board of Trustees, Mr. Martin A. Ryerson; ProfessorDavid Moore Robinson, A.B., '98, Ph.D., '04, of Johns Hopkins University; Professor Gordon J. Laing, and Mr. Francis W. Parker, of theBoard of Trustees.129THE CLASSICS BUILDINGThe Classics Building, at the corner of East 59th Street and EllisAvenue, is the "Hiram Kelly Memorial," for which Mrs. Hiram Kelly,the donor of Kelly Hall and Green Hall, the latter named for her parents,provided the funds. The cornerstone was laid by Professor Frank Bigelow Tarbell, June 9, 1914, when Professor William Gardner Hale deliveredan address. The building was finished in March, 191 5, and occupied atthe opening of the Spring Quarter.On the ground floor are six classrooms and an assembly room forpublic lectures. Book stacks occupy the rest of the space on this floorand the corresponding space on the two floors above, as well as the entirebasement. On the second floor are offices of professors in the Departments of the Classical Group, a men's Common Room and a women'sCommon Room. Each Common Room, about forty by eighteen feet,contains a fireplace, appropriate furniture, and a kitchenette for thepreparation and serving of light refreshments. Each room is equipped,moreover, for stereopticon lectures and blackboard demonstrations, theblackboards being hidden behind the paneled walls. For large gatherings the two rooms can be thrown into one by means of concealed doors.On the third floor are rooms for Paleography and Epigraphy, the Department of the History of Art, the Library Adviser, and the main reading-room. This last is the chief architectural feature of the interior. Itssize is forty by forty-eight feet exclusive of an alcove, eight by forty feet.The room is two stories in height and has a hammer-beam roof. Oncarved wooden shields are the names and arms of Erasmus and SirThomas More. The museum room, thirty-three by eighty-three feet,the editorial office of Classical Philology, and some additional staff officesare on the fourth floor.The Classics Building is the west unit of the Midway group, of whichthe Harper Memorial Library is the central feature. Architecturally thebuilding conforms to the spirit of the Harper Library. The fine proportions and graceful windows shown in the frontispiece, and especially theloggia above the main entrance from the Quadrangle, contribute to theartistic success of the building.Further interest is given the structure by the stone carvings. On thenorth elevation at the right of the main entrance is a copy of an antique130THE CLASSICS BUILDING *3*head now in the Louvre; and at the left a copy of the so-called Seneca.Directly above the tracery work in the loggia is the coat-of-arms of theUniversity of Chicago. In the corners just above the loggia are carvedillustrations of Aesop's fable of The Fox and the Crow. At the left,other subjects from the fables appear in this order: The Old Hound, TheLion and the Bulls, The Fox and the Crow, The Wolf and the Sheep,The Fox and the Crane, The Old Hound, The Lion and the Bulls, TheFox and the Crane, and The Lion and the Mouse. High above theloggia is a grotesque mask. At the base of the oriel is a carving ofHercules and the Dogs.On the east side, at the decorative window in the first story, are headsof Demosthenes and Sophocles.On the south elevation the carvings under the oriels represent, fromeast to west, Hercules and the Dogs, Menelaus, Hercules and the Lion.The carved heads at the central windows in the first story are, from eastto west, Homer, Cicero, Socrates, Plato. In the cornice is continued,from east to west, the series from Aesop's fables: The Wolf and theSheep, The Fox and the Crane, The Old Hound, The Lion and the Bulls,The Fox and the Crane, The Lion and the Mouse, The Fox and the Crow,The Lion, the Bear, and the Fox, The Fox and the Crane, The Wolf andthe Sheep, The Dog in the Manger, The Ass's Shadow, The Lion andthe Mouse, The Fox and the Crow, The Wolf and the Sheep.On the west elevation the carving on the lower part of the orielrepresents a fawn. In the cornice are, from south to north, these subjects: The Fox and the Crow, The Lion and the Mouse, The Fox and theCrane, The Lion and the Bulls, The Old Hound, The Fox and the Crane,The Wolf and the Sheep.IDA NOYES HALL CORNERSTONECEREMONIESThe cornerstone of Ida Noyes Hall was laid April 17, 1915, at eleven-thirty in the presence of an enthusiastic crowd of Mrs. Noyes's friends,including the trustees, members of the Faculties, alumnae, and students.The printed program included a picture of the building and floorplans and the following description:Ida Noyes Hall is the gift of Mr. La Verne Noyes. The building, or rathergroup of buildings — for it comprises the functions performed for the men by theFrank Dickinson Bartlett Gymnasium, the Reynolds Club, and Hutchinson Commons— will be more domestic in feeling than some of the formal English Gothic buildingsof the University, and will, it is hoped, give the general effect of a large Tudor house.The architects are Shepley, Rutan & Coolidge.The main portion of the building will have a frontage of 240 feet on Fifty-ninthStreet between Woodlawn and Kimbark avenues. Space enough is left at each endfor an addition, or for a connecting building, as need may suggest. From the middleof the main structure the gymnasium extends no feet back to the north, makingthe total depth of the building 160 feet. To the north end of the gymnasium is theswimming-pool, which will have a skylight and windows opening into the cloistergarden. Another extension, from the north side of the east wing, will be used foroffices, storage, and service in connection with the Commons. The refectory itself,a room 89 by 44 feet and 18 feet high, will seat 300 persons. At the left of the entranceis the main stairway, the office of the building, and a checking-room. To the west ofthe main hall, and up a few steps, is the common room with a tea alcove and a kitchenette adjoining. Beyond the common room is the library, with doors so placed as toafford free circulation in case of a large social gathering.In the basement are lockers, dressing-rooms, showers, a small suite of rooms formen, a large game room, and two bowling alleys.On the second floor will be offices and a large room for the corrective gymnasticwork of the Department of Physical Culture. To the east will be social rooms withconveniences for the serving of refreshments. In the center will be a memorial hallwith an adjoining trophy gallery, from which doors will lead to the spectators' galleryin the gymnasium.The third floor will be devoted to an assembly room with stage and dressing-rooms and a large foyer, to a sun parlor overlooking the Midway Plaisance, and toa large office to be used as headquarters for women's organizations.The gift of Mr. Noyes was announced to the Board of Trustees June 4, 1913, andto the public at the Convocation in Hutchinson Court, June 10, 1913. The next daya committee appointed by the President of the University met in the President'soffice. The following commission, appointed by the President, then made a study ofneeds and plans: Mrs. Harry Pratt Judson; Marion Talbot, Dean of Women; Gertrude132IDA NOYES HALL CORNERSTONE CEREMONIES 133Dudley, Director of the Women's Gymnasium; Myra Reynolds, Mary J. Lanier,Elizabeth Euphrosyne Langley, Heads of Women's Halls; Sophonisba P. Breckinridge*,Assistant Dean of Women; Elizabeth Wallace, Dean of Junior College Women; Geral-dine Gunsaulus Brown, Caryl Cody, Julia Dodge, Young Women's Christian League;Pauline Sperry, Ethel Preston, Woman's Graduate Club; Nancy Miller, FlorenceFoley, Helen Furchgott, Miriam Whalin, Marjorie Coonley, Ruth Victorson, Neighborhood Clubs; Isabel MacMurray, Louise Mick, Woman's Athletic Association; CorneliaBeall, Arline Brown, Ruth Hough, Charlotte Viall, Suzanne Fisher, Letitia Fyffe,Margaret Riggs, Helen Pollak, Margaret Rhodes, Harriet Tuthill, University Aides;Ruth Hough, Dorothy Llewellyn, Dorothy Farwell, Undergraduate Council; LucileBates, Women's Glee Club; Mrs. Nott Flint, Mrs. Ethel R. MacDowell, Marie Ort-mayer, Josephine Turner Allin, Alumnae.Shepley, Rutan & Coolidge, appointed architects October 27, 1913, submittedplans and specifications embodying the suggestions of the commission and othersJanuary 29, 1914. The plans were accepted by the Board of Trustees February 4,1914. The contract was let to Wells Brothers Co. December 18, 1914. November19, 1914, ground was broken. Nine days later the first work was done in laying thefoundations. According to contract, the foundations were completed and ready forcut-stone work January 15, 191 5. The cut-stone work is to be completed by July 15,1915. The entire structure is to be completed by January 15, 1916.The frontispiece to the program was a picture of Mrs. Noyes, oppositewhich stood the following appreciation:Ida E. S. Noyes was born in the state of New York, of New England ancestry.When she was very young her parents moved to Iowa. From the Iowa State Collegeshe was graduated, as was her future husband, La Verne Noyes. In her collegecourse she developed that clearness and accuracy in thinking to which, with her witand cheerfulness, was largely due her power for leadership. In college, too, was exhibited her talent as an artistic reader, actor, and public speaker. Above all, her fellow-students praised her on account of her generous sympathy for the misunderstood andunfortunate, and for her superb democracy. A fondness for books and writing,especially verse, persisted in later years, along with faithful attention to more seriouswriting and books — the business letters which largely made for her husband's earlyachievement and the ledgers which measured that success. A love of painting led herto study for several years in the Art Institute and the Julian Studios in Paris. A loveof country led her to intelligent devotion to the work of the Daughters of the AmericanRevolution, especially the Department of Patriotic Education. As a memorial tosuch a woman — winning in personality, a lover of literature and art, wise in philanthropy, democratic in friendship, skilful in leadership, devoted to her home and hercountry — Ida Noyes Hall is dedicated to the life of the women of the University ofChicago.The program was as follows:The ProcessionInvocationHerbert Lockwood Willett, Ph.D., Acting Chaplain of the UniversityIntroductory StatementHarry Pratt Judson, LL.D., President of the University134 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDOfficial Record of the Articles Placed within the CornerstoneJ. Spencer Dickerson, Litt.D., Secretary of the Board of TrusteesThe Laying of the CornerstoneLa Verne Noyes, assisted by Mrs. Harry Pratt JudsonAddressMarion Talbot, A.M., LL.D., Dean of WomenBenedictionThe Secretary of the Board of Trustees read the following list ofarticles placed within the cornerstone: Copy of Mr. Noyes's letter providing funds for the building; copies of "Occasional Verses" by IdaE. S. Noyes; Memorial Booklet containing proceedings of MemorialMeeting of Daughters of the American Revolution; letter to Ida E. S.Noyes, written by her husband; picture of Memorial Cloister at FourthPresbyterian Church; photograph of residence, 1450 Lake Shore Drive;photograph of portrait of Ida E. S. Noyes by Louis Betts; photographof portrait of La Verne Noyes by Louis Betts; photograph of IdaE. S. Noyes at seventeen; photograph of Ida E. S. Noyes taken atParis, France, about 1888; three other photographs of Ida E. S. Noyes;poem written by Miss Mary E. Courtenay, addressed to Mr. Noyes onbehalf of women students at the reception held December 1, 19 13;constitution and list of officers (1902) of the Woman's Union of theUniversity; report of meeting of the Woman's Union held January 20,1904; Annual Register; Articles of Incorporation and By-Laws of theBoard of Trustees; President's Annual Report of the University; University Record for January, containing ground plans of Ida Noyes Hall;Weekly Calendar; Alumni Directory ; University announcements; copiesof Daily Maroon; copies of University of Chicago Magazine; copy ofCap and Gown; program for cornerstone laying of Ida Noyes Hall;programs of December and March Convocations; Chicago papers;various University periodicals.Escorted by the President of the University Mr. Noyes proceededto lay the cornerstone. Mrs. Harry Pratt Judson, who was to assistMr. Noyes, was prevented by illness from participating in the exercises.At the moment when the stone finally settled into place, the alumnaecheered and released hundreds of toy balloons which floated in a cloudabove the Midway. The address was delivered by Dean Marion Talbot.DEAN TALBOT'S ADDRESSThe cornerstone, as you know, was formerly a very important partin the construction of a building. It bound together two walls at thebase and was counted on to give strength and solidity to the structure.IDA NOYES HALL CORNERSTONE CEREMONIES 135It was easy to use the term metaphorically in speaking of anythingof fundamental importance, and it was natural that there should growup gradually a ceremony designed to call attention to the significanceof the building.Those of us who have watched with amazement and delight as thework on this building has progressed since last November, realize thatwith changes in methods of construction the cornerstone no longerserves its original function. Its figurative meaning remains, however,and we ask ourselves today, "What does this stone which we have justlaid represent."First we note that it is at the main portal of the building. This isa significant thing in itself. Here it will be a constant reminder to thegenerations who pass within, as it would not be in a far corner, that notonly stone and steel and concrete, but aspirations, hopes, and ideals havebeen built into the structure, and that it is for us of today and for thosewho come after to use it worthily.And there is significance in the fact that this portal unifies manyhuman interests which are often unfortunately kept separate. Hereunder one roof are gymnasium, refectory, medical and hygienic anddomestic quarters, rooms for song and dancing and fun and for quietreading and business conference — all the different phases of physicaland social life are recognized as essential parts of the larger educationfor life.Again, we note that this building overlooking this broad avenuethrough which ever-increasing streams of humanity will pass forms anintegral part of the main facade of the University. It is out in the open,this Woman's Building, and my thoughts go back to my friend andcontemporary who was the first girl to take the Harvard entrance examinations for women, at that time the only intellectual test offered toyoung men in New England which young women could share, and Ithink too of the Society for the Collegiate Instruction of Women, familiarly known as "The Annex," which in a delicate and ladylike way provided that those instructors of Harvard College who were willing toincrease their stipends by extra teaching or those who would give theirservices in the interests of fair play might repeat their courses of instruction to eager young women students. The back-door stage of theeducation of women has passed, and this great University which fromthe first has offered its advantages freely to women and recognizes themjointly with men in every relation except on the Board of Trustees nowpublicly proclaims that its women enter by the front door.136 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDOn this occasion which is so solemn and yet so joyous in that itpromises the fruition of nearly a quarter of a century of eager hopes,thoughts of two women come vividly into our minds. Alice FreemanPalmer, in whose memory the chimes ring forth, gave richly to the earlylife of the University and built into it not only ideals of high scholarship, but standards of refined and hospitable living and of noble andgracious womanhood which will never perish and which now at lastare on the point of finding fitting expression in the comfort and charmof this wonderful building.And of Ida Noyes what shall I say? I counted her among myfriends. I knew from personal experience of her kindly presence andthoughtful act. This building is a memorial to her. I speak not onlyfor myself but for all the women of the University when I assure you,Mr. Noyes, and you, Mr. President, that this cornerstone means amighty impulse toward the truly great things of life. Here self-discoveryand self-control will lead to social co-operation and mutual understanding.The weak will learn from the strong and the strong will learn from theweak. Tolerance, sympathy, kindness, the generous word and thehelpful act, all typical of the woman we commemorate, will be thecontribution of the women who go forth from Ida Noyes Hall to takepart in the upbuilding of the new civilization which is to come.MEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTERFifty years after the close of the War between the States the University of Chicago convened in Leon Mandel Assembly Hall, May 31,to celebrate Memorial Day. The program was as follows:March: "American Republic" ThieleThe University of Chicago Military BandIntroductory RemarksPresident Harry Pratt Judson"The Star-spangled Banner" Solo by Basil Fred WiseChorus by Audience and ChoirAddress: "The Meaning of the Civil War"Professor Andrew Cunningham McLaughlin, A.M., LL.B., LL.D.Interlude: "American Patrol" MeachamAddress: "Fifty Years After"Professor William Edward Dodd, Ph.D."America"Audience, Choir, and BandMarch: "Gate City" WeldonThe BandThe significant and impressive addresses of the morning are printedherewith.THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESSWe are met today to honor the memory of those who gave their lives"that this nation, under God, should have a new birth of freedom,and that government of the people, by the people, for the peopleshould not perish from the earth." The great struggle in arms wasclosed fifty years ago. Its events are history. The animosity of civilstrife is gone, and all alike in North and South rejoice that the Unionof states has been preserved, and that slavery is no longer legal under theAmerican flag.War is one of the greatest evils with which the history of humansociety has been attended, but the commemoration today is significantof the fact that there are evils worse than war. Our forefathers believedthat one such set of conditions attended colonial subjection to a tyrannical European power. They gave their lives and their property freelyto establish the independence of our country. The generation whichcontrolled this land a half-century since believed that a greater evil137i3» THE UNIVERSITY RECORDthan war would be the disruption of the federal Union, and they againgave their lives and their property lavishly to maintain the United Statesin its integrity. The situation of the world today has shown veryclearly that many of the beautiful dreams of universal peace are simplydreams. They are visions as to which one can make a very effectivespeech on the Chautauqua platform, but they do not accord with theharsh realities of life. It would be worse than war for American citizensto be subject to lawless violence in any part of the world in which theyare engaged in their legitimate occupations. It would be worse thanwar for the United States to be exposed helpless to aggression by a powerwhich uses force to secure its ends regardless of law or justice. It wouldbe worse than war for the United States to be an American China. Alltrue Americans will hold our own country first in their affections, and Iam confident that if the emergency warrants they will give their livesas freely for its defense as was done by their forefathers in 1775 andin 1861.THE MEANING OF THE CIVIL WARBy PROFESSOR ANDREW CUNNINGHAM MCLAUGHLIN, LL.D.Head of the Department of HistoryOne of the ablest scholars in American history, whose labors for yearspast have been in the field of the Civil War, confessed the other daythat for the last few months his interest and enthusiasm had flagged.The present war, so terrible, so nearly world-wide, so full of deep significance for humanity, not only absorbed his attention, but seemed tohave relegated the Civil War in America to a place of comparativepermanent obscurity. And yet one may still question the validity ofsuch conclusion; the Civil War must remain for us a struggle of profoundsignificance and possibly of supreme transcendent importance. Wecannot and should not forget it as one of the great experiences of ourlives; and if we look out upon the whole world-drama of modern history,we can see, even there, that it was full of meaning and of vast consequence.I have said we should not forget it; celebrations of this kind shouldbe maintained that we may not let it pass away. Fortunately we cannow discuss these subjects without much danger of perpetuating orreawakening the old feeling of antagonism and suspicion betweenthe North and South. I cannot, however, pass on without first expressing that appreciation, which the whole North should now feel,at the magnanimity and open-mindedness of the present-day SouthMEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTER 139toward the whole struggle; for we must remember that it is not easyfor the defeated contestant to be reconciled; nor can I pass on withoutsaying that the North is now, in my judgment, heartily devoted to anattempt at estimating aright and generously the difficulties, ambitions, and character of the South which waged the War. If I thoughtI was filled with any other feeling than a desire to express the truthkindly, as I am able to see the truth, I should wish not to speak at all.The Civil War should be remembered at least because it was one ofthe experiences of national growth and development. Just as in ourindividual lives we cannot wisely banish from our minds the trials and thestruggles that have made us what we are, so in national life we cannotgive up the memory of our deepest experiences; we cannot give themup if we would know ourselves. It is necessary once and again to liveover the days of conflict, to go down into the depths in which the menand women moved and to try to understand their sorrow, determination,suffering, and exaltation. We should try to live over again those yearsof suffering and of noble effort, and to sympathize with those that borethe awful burden of the time. No matter how long this nation lives, nomatter what changes may come over the world, men must always goback to the Civil War in America as an event of supreme importance;and the young men and women of the future as of today must be led tothink deeply and intelligently about what it all meant. Your liberty,the right to your own manhood, your right to free government and allit is supposed to give, your right to free thinking, your right to moveupward and onward, your right to self-respect, your very right to safetywere all bought at the price of suffering, brave self-sacrifice, and unwearied toil on the part of those who lived before you. The thingswhich you and I cherish most were not won by sloth or selfishness, butby high endeavor and courage; they cannot be preserved and enlargedand bettered by mere supine acceptance of the goods the eager godsdrop in our waiting laps.The thoughtful student of American history must be impressed withthe fact that ideals have often, if not always, carried the people forward.It was, if I remember rightly, Harriet Martineau, as she commented on theidealistic character of the rugged, bustling, uncouth, and unsophisticatedAmerica of seventy-five or eighty years ago, who said, "There is thestrongest hope of a nation, that is capable of being possessed of an idea."As we look back to the days of the Civil War we find that the nation wasstirred with ideas and with ideals. I would not rob the mistaken Southof this chaplet of honor; for many a man went to the battle-field filled140 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDwith solemn purposes and with rare devotion to duty. The war withall its horrors was on both sides a people's war, not one in which soldierswere led to the shambles by monarchs greedy for territory or trade. Andwhy, do you suppose, were college halls and academic classrooms emptiedof their students ? Why, do you suppose, boys like the youngest of youleft their homes by the tens of thousands to carry the musket or die onthe southern battle-fields ? It was because they believed that there wassomething worth fighting for, and, if they should give it up, their liveswould not be worth the having. They were willing to pay the greatestof all great prices that you might have a united and free country.The War has meaning for us because it emancipated the slaves; oneof the oldest institutions in the world was done away with. When thenineteenth century opened, the sun shone down on a slaveholding world.When Lee surrendered at Appomattox, slavery had nearly everywheredisappeared. Even Russia had freed her serfs who had been in a condition little better than slavery. All this marks the development ofhuman feeling in civilized Europe and distinguishes the nineteenthcentury from the preceding. With the end of the Civil War, what JohnStuart Mill had called "the greatest enormity which still exists amongmankind as an institution" had received, as he said, here in America itscoup de grace. In the course of three decades before the War began, thenorthern people had come in large measure to think slavery wrong, andit is not without peculiar meaning to us that here in Illinois in the debatesbetween Lincoln and Douglas, both Illinois men, the great moral issuewas so clearly stated. Lincoln, opposing the doctrine of Douglas —what Lincoln called the "don't care" policy — said,No man can logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voteddown .... he can't say people have a right to do wrong That is the realissue. That is the issue which will continue in this country when these poor tonguesof Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between thesetwo principles — right and wrong — throughout the world. They are the two principlesthat have stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue tostruggle.Unfortunately the South did not look upon slavery as Lincoln did.Twenty years before the War, Calhoun used the following words aboutit and it is probably fair to say that by i860 the majority of the southernpeople held just these views:But I will not dwell on this aspect of the question; I turn to the political; andhere I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South,against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durablefoundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions. It is useless toMEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTER 141disguise the fact. There is and always has been, in an advanced stage of wealth andcivilization, a conflict between labor and capital. The condition of society in theSouth exempts us from the disorders and dangers resulting from this conflict; andwhich explains why it is that the political condition of the slaveholding states has beenso much more stable and quiet than that of the North.Thus it will be seen that Calhoun maintained: first, that slaverywas the proper solution of the race problem; secondly, that it was theproper solution of the labor problem; thirdly, that it constituted theproper basis for stable political order; fourthly, probably, that only byplanting their feet firmly on the backs of the toiling multitude could theprivileged beings rise to the upper air of seemly culture and refinedcivilization. What I have to say, in the rest of my talk today, will inconsiderable measure be a comment on this position; at least in considering the meaning of the War I shall have to bear in mind constantly whatsuch men as Calhoun declared the South must stand for.The slavery question was here a race question. What should bethe relationship between the races ? Should one own the other ? Bythe outbreak of the Civil War the southerners passionately maintainedthat slavery was right; the best men among them imbued with actualreligious fervor honestly insisted that the duty rested on the people ofthe South to protect the slaves committed to their care by the inscrutablemandates of an allwise Providence. But this can be said: the War didnot do away with the race question; that difficult problem is here foryou and me and for our children and our children's children to strugglewith. An overwhelming problem of the whole world today is this relationship of the European and other races of the world. If we in Americainsist on solving the problem by ignoring human rights, by subjectingthe negro to humiliation, by preventing him from making an honestliving, are we not where Calhoun once said we should be if we abolishedslavery ? We shall have only changed the form and retained the fact,the subjugation of the race. If the War meant anything, it meant thatwe should try to be just to the freedmen.The slave system was also an economic or labor system. And againthe southerners maintained that it was essentially superior to that offree labor. Here they were radically wrong, if we judge by economicresults; i.e., if we judge by quantity and quality of economic output.It is probably always true, as Montesquieu said one hundred and fiftyyears ago, that the wealth of a country depends not so much on thefertility of the soil as on the freedom of its inhabitants. But, once more,one cannot go over the facts without seeing that northern victory in theWar imposed an obligation on capital and labor, an obligation resting142 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDon employers hiring labor rather than owning it and on workingmenowning themselves — an obligation to demonstrate that liberty is justified of her children; to demonstrate, if they can, that real freedom existsin economic competition and under the capitalistic regime, and that itmakes for higher and better living. One feels a little disagreeable senseof uneasiness as one reads the attacks of the old-time slave-owner onthe crushing effect of modern industrialism, as the North was beginningto know it by the middle of the century, and one feels that we musthighly resolve that freedom should show its perfect work, if the greatWar have its fullest fruitage.The War meant the preservation of the Union. We have in theserecent days stopped to question the validity and the wholesomeness ofthoughtless patriotism, nourished on the conception that the outsideris a step beneath us; we have learned to distinguish or to seek to distinguish between patriotism and provincial, hot-headed chauvinism; wehave begun to doubt the value of the big state, the product of the nineteenth century, especially when we find coupled with large size and anumerous population the pseudo-philosophic notion that the state ismight and that its one unpardonable sin is weakness, we have come toquestion whether Germany or Russia or even imperial Britain is fullof happier, higher men and women than Denmark, or Holland, orSwitzerland. These reflections make us aware that mere bigness doesnot necessarily constitute superiority, and that violent patriotism maybe only one remove from vice. But for many reasons, we can still believethat America should not have been rent asunder; we may still believethat it is well for us and the rest of the world that we have this bigcountry within which to practice peacefully the arts of self-government.We can still believe so, if we have ideals which we cherish withoutwishing to impose them by force or intrigue on others. We can stillbelieve so, if we think that here the impulses that make for better commoncitizenship should be allowed to pass untrammeled by political boundariesfrom sea to sea.The War fought to a successful conclusion meant the preservationand upbuilding of democracy. That this is true, some scholars inhistory seem even still to doubt, and so my assertions require carefulweighing. Then, first, let us say that the South could not have succeededunless there had been a weak surrender by a considerable portion of thecommunity of the North to the cardinal idea on which and for whichthe South stood; unless there had been craven acceptance of the doctrinethat the fortunate should rise and stand on the labor of the unfortunate.MEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTER 143For slave-owning was simply the baldest, boldest of all manifestationsof privilege; it simply in the crudest way portrayed that condition ofsociety, of which too much was still left in the world, in which the manywere doomed to toil in order that the few might live in luxury and enjoythe fruits of leisure. The aristocrat, the world over, felt drawn to the menwho denied that men were created equal or that government rests on theconsent of the governed. Even before the war, James Russell Lowellsaid:The question, even in its political aspects, is one which goes to the very foundation of our theories and our institutions. It is simply, shall the course of the Republicbe so directed as to subserve the interests of aristocracy or of democracy ? Shallour territory be occupied by lord and serf or by intelligent freemen ? by laborers whoare owned, or by men who own themselves ? . . . . America is to be the land of theworkers, the country where, of all others, the intelligent brain and skilled hand ofthe mechanic, and the patient labor of those who till their own fields, are to stand themin greatest stead. We are to inaugurate and carry on the new system which makesMan of more value than Property, which will one day put the living value of industryabove the dead value of capital.But in the next place, the very foundations of free governmentwere attacked; if the Union went to pieces and the South won, it wasproof that men would not and could not live together, quietly acceptingthe results of popular opinion and the decisions of the ballot box. "Itis," exclaimed Lowell, whose forceful words stand me in good service,"a question of national existence, it is a question whether Americansshall govern America, or whether a disappointed clique shall nullify allgovernment now and render stable government difficult hereafter."One can appreciate what the War meant if one turns to the otherside of the Atlantic and sees in the course of the nineteenth century,the gradual emergence of the common man; little by little he acquiredsome part in government; more and more the hold of the superiorfavored classes was relaxed; more and more men in Europe were valuedfor their human worth. What America, the fate of the great free Republic, involved in the minds of the men who had visions of freedom in Italyand Germany, and what it signified to the artisans and agriculturallaborers of England who were far enough along to know their manhood,it would be hard to say and say rightly, but it involved and signifiedmuch. Somehow I seem to get a wider vision of my own country as Isee John Bright — the very embodiment of homely, sterling, middle-classsense of right and justice, the man who believed that righteousness andhuman values could and should be the foundation of the state — as I seehim, going up and down England during the War, pleading the cause of144 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDUnion and opposition to a new nation based on human slavery. Americaand its duty come before me even more strongly as I see Bright in Rome,surrounded by the pomp and panoply of pontifical power, where the verystones of the streets spoke of bygone splendor and of the might of theimperial and eternal city; for the monuments of imperialism did notappeal to him. It was America he wished to see, the land withoutburden of caste or privilege, where men unshackled might work out theirown destiny. What did the possible success of the slaveholding philosophy mean to a humane and human philosopher like John Bright ?To the men of Europe, the simple fact that there was war at allseemed to affect the welfare, perhaps the success, of democracy. Thevery fact of conflict and the prospect that America would fall to pieceswas a blow at democratic distinction. The War itself, the spectacleof fighting armies, cheered the souls of aristocratic Europe. Thosewho were holding tight to aristocratic privilege had seen the tide ofpopular will and demand gradually rising about their feet, and they knewthat the strongest argument against them was the success of Americain seventy years of self-government. Now the big Republic was falling;democracy was tottering and the whole democratic regime was provedby facts to be nothing but shameless effrontery and a pitiful delusion.Democracy, therefore, must not be discredited in the world by thebreak-up of the Republic which had for decades appealed to the smalland great in Europe as an experiment of hopeful or dire augury. ThusLincoln saw the contest: "We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last,best hope of earth" — one of those absolutely perfect sentences that attimes fell from the pen of the man who had been nurtured on a few greatbooks of English literature. And again in his Gettysburg Address,"Now we are engaged in a great civil War, testing whether that nationor any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure."Once more, the War involved the fate of democracy, because by theputting forth of effort there was at least a hope that the nation wouldre-create itself. You will remember that in ending his wonderful andsolemn appeal Lincoln called upon his hearers and himself to be dedicatedanew to the great cause: "that we here highly resolve that these deadshall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have anew birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people,for the people, shall not perish from the earth." A new birth of freedomhe said: that is what Lincoln hoped for, a real regeneration, createdfrom a task that was nobly done, from consecration to an inspiringpurpose. He hoped, as did John Stuart Mill, that, by destroyingMEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTER 145slavery, the people would be raised to that "elevated position in the scaleof morality and dignity which is derived from great sacrifices consciouslymade in a virtuous cause, and the sense of inestimable benefit to allfuture ages, brought about by their own voluntary efforts." Such it waswell hoped would be the new birth of freedom.The life and death of Lincoln ennobled mankind and dignified popular government; and thus, as far as Lincoln was the War, the contestfor Union, and for freedom, and for self-government, he in himself andby the nobility of his character raised men everywhere. All through theWar, there was fault-finding here, though he knew how to touchthe hearts of the plain people, the multitude. On the other side of thewater — I mean to the classes that would fain see democracy ridiculousand futile— he was the cherished representation of uncouth vulgarity,almost too comical to be taken seriously. And it was well; for as thelong days of the War went on, as the trials multiplied about him, aseach year (to quote a recent English speaker) "he suffered martyrdomand prepared in spirit for his passage hence when the time came for aruthless hand to strike him low," he towered higher and higher till menwere ashamed of abuse and mean attack. During four years the pagesof Punch had been contaminated by sneers at Lincoln the rail-splitter,but at the end came recantation: "Yes," said the poet who once andagain had satirized him,Yes, he had lived to shame me from my sneer,To lame my pencil, and confute my pen —To make me own this hind of princes peer,This rail-splitter a true-born king of men.Where was the divine right of rulers and of privileged classes, ifa man reared in ruthless, ugly poverty, without schooling, without socialinfluence, without anything but common honesty and earnest effort,could reach such a pinnacle of power and there demean himself withdignity, poise, and self-possession and still display in word and deed thenobleness of simplicity, sympathy, and frank justice ?I have given you quite the wrong impression if I have led you tothink that the tirades of newspapers like the London Times or the sneersof men in high position represented the attitude of the real Englandtoward the War.1 The fullest meaning of the War can in no way be1 "I have heard," said Bright in December, 1862, "that there are, in this country,ministers of state who are in favour of the South; that there are members of thearistocracy who are terrified at the shadow of the Great Republic; that there arerich men .... thriving unwholesomely within the atmosphere of a privileged class;146 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDmore surely gathered than in the correspondence between Lincoln andthe workingmen of Manchester, for they, as he, knew what the contestmeant to the world; these simple north-countrymen knew what it wasall about and wherein lay its deepest import; they knew that it wastheir war also. They were idle, restless, and starving; for the mills wereclosed and bread was dear; but they were ready to die of want ratherthan to see their government force open the southern ports to reach thecoveted cotton and feed the mills of England. They wrote to Lincolnand gave him courage; and I imagine few words gave him more hopeand joy than those from the common men beyond the seas. He wrotethem in reply:I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the workingmen of Manchester,and in all Europe, are called on to endure in this crisis. It has been often and studiously represented that the attempt to overthrow this government, which was builton the foundation of human rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe Under the circumstances, I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon the question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism, which has not been surpassed inany age, or in any country.There is then no truer picture of the great War, than that of the big,rugged nobleman in the White House stretching out the hand of fellowship and giving the word of sympathy and appreciation to the working-men of England. And how simply he told them the tale and howfrankly he relied on their appreciation of the deepest significance ofthe conflict.The meaning of the War, once again, rests on what did not comeout of it. One sees a picture of horror, a picture which today has newmeaning for us, when he thinks of what might have come with dissolution. One thing we might have had, possibly I should say must havehad, if disunion had come — a militaristic regime. The South in spiritand capacity seemed to be prepared for it; certainly its position in theworld, even with cotton as king, could scarce have been maintainedthat there are conductors of the public press who would barter the rights of millionsof their fellow-creatures that they might bask in the smiles of the great."But I know there are ministers of state who do not wish that the insurrectionshould break up the American nation; that there are members of our aristocracy whoare not afraid of the shadow of the Republic; that there are rich men, many, who arenot depraved by their riches; and that there are public writers of eminence andhonour who will not barter human rights for the patronage of the great. But most ofall, and before all, I believe — I am sure it is true in Lancashire, where workingmenhave seen themselves coming down from prosperity to ruin, from independence to asubsistence on charity — I say that I believe that the unenfranchised but not hopelessmillions of this country will never sympathize with a revolt which is intended to destroythe liberty of a continent, and to build on its ruins a mighty fabric of human bondage."MEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTER 147without conquest and the protection of armies. Moreover, two hostilestates would have faced each other across the Ohio, one built on slavery,the other on white, perchance on free labor — free labor burdened withmilitarism.Then one further result must have seemed possible fifty years agoto those who had seen the War: was it not possible that the North wouldbe ruled by its own army; was it not possible that the commercial workaday North had itself become militaristic and brutalized by its ownachievements and a sense of its might? But no such result followedvictory. When the War was over, the nation went on in peace andindustry. Men who had borne arms for years did not lose capacity andaptitude for commonplace uneventful toil. It is true that, for a fewyears after the War, a radical, hot-headed Congress kept the South undermilitary rule; and uses were made of the army which we now regret.But I know of no one thing in American history more significant, moreinspiring, more fit to make us hopeful and to know ourselves as a decentpeople, unbrutal, untyranical, fitted for the tasks of peace and theburdens of developing civilization, than the quiet absorption of the armyof a million conquering men back into the great body of the nation. Ioften think of Sherman's army tramping along Pennsylvania Avenueafter the war, fifty years ago last Monday — 65,000 rugged men andsturdy boys, who had marched, a conquering host, through league afterleague of an enemy's country, who had swept everything before them andwon victory after victory, who were toughened like rawhide whipcordsby the daily march and nightly bivouac on the field; and who at a word,disbanded, some of them to go back to school and college, some of themto the shops and farms and countinghouses, all of them to be greetedin the tens of thousands of simple homes scattered here and there all overthis northern country. Almost in a moment there was no army. Nowonder that Goldwin Smith exclaimed, "Your magnanimous and wisedisarmament (the most truly magnanimous and the wisest thing inhistory) ! " Can we not say then that the greatest victory of the War waspeace ?In conclusion let me read a letter written by Lord Bryce to a meetingof the Pilgrim Society, in London, on the 15th of last April:I greatly regret that I cannot be with you this evening. You do well to commemorate at this anniversary the life and character of Abraham Lincoln. Though hebelongs, first of all, to the United States, whose maintenance as a free Republic, oneand indivisible, he did more than any other man to secure, he belongs also to Democracy, to the English Race, and to the World. He belongs to Democracy because hegave a splendid example of how much a plain and simple man, with no advantages of148 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDeducation or connections, can accomplish, and because the plain men of his nationshowed that they could recognise his gifts, and rally to him in the hour of danger.He belongs to the Race, not merely as a man of pure English blood, but also becausehis qualities were those which Englishmen and Americans like to think of as theirfavorite ideal — 'courage, honesty, public spirit, a kindliness and tenderness of nature.He belongs to the World, because he stands out like George Washington, as an instanceof how greatness and unending fame may be achieved by the simple virtues whensubjected to a trial that calls them forth. Not by dazzling genius, like Julius Caesaror Napoleon, not by consummate statecraft and a ruthless will, like Richelieu or Bismarck, but by faith in justice, by unswerving devotion to duty, by patience andcourage, by serenity and self-control did he win the confidence and the love of thepeople, and leave, like Washington, a name fit to inspire all who, in the Old Worldor the New, may seek to render unselfish service to their country.FIFTY YEARS AFTERBy WILLIAM EDWARD DODD, PH.D.Professor of American HistoryIt is not a small thing for us to meet together fifty years after thefall of the South at Appomattox and pay tribute to the men who madethe great sacrifice which was necessary to preserve America whole. Itbehooves us, however, not to rejoice at the defeat of the noble race whosurrendered with Lee, but to rejoice in the victory which made us anation. With Charles Francis Adams the First, let us say: "They wereour countrymen." Though the lesson of present-day Europe tells usin thundering tones how awful must have been the success of Lee andDavis and Jackson, I, as an American, rejoice in the heroism of men whogave all they had and their lives as well for their ideals. Their sacrifice,which was greater than that of any European country in the presentwar, save Belgium and Serbia, sanctifies the common heritage of today.It is the sacrifice of things held dearer than life itself which makes menimmortal.As I study history I am convinced that there is no more preciousnational recollection than the one we have of Lincoln, when, all hisfriends having deserted him and none expecting that he could be reelected, he quietly prepared that agreement with his supposed successfulrival by which he hoped the nation might be saved. Nor can any trueAmerican fail to be moved by the picture of Robert Lee as he retired in1865, broken-hearted, poor, and prematurely old, to a little college in aremote part of Virginia to teach young southerners the new nationalism,refusing a salary of $50,000 a year from a great New York corporation!I do not know whether any of us could stand a similar test; but it is aMEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTER 149great thing for our country to have produced such men and a good thingfor us to contemplate such examples.But some of you may wonder how such things as the AmericanCivil War could happen, how true and noble men could drift so far apart.A glance at our history will make it clear — at least it seems clear to me —how the very growth of the country imposed the burden and ordeal of1861-65. In the convention of 1787 the southern men demanded aguaranty that their privilege of owning their "labor" be continued.Their New England friends agreed, on condition that their commerceshould enjoy the protection of the greater federal government which allwere trying to establish. The arrangement was made. Already thefine idealism which found expression in the Declaration of Independencewas yielding to a more "practical statecraft" which proposed "to dothings."A half-dozen years had not passed before a Connecticut inventormade cotton-growing on a large scale profitable. Rapidly the smallcotton farms of South Carolina gave place to plantations on whichhundreds of slaves labored. The purchase of Louisiana, which did somuch to make the country great, opened an almost boundless area ofpotential cotton lands, and the planters made haste to spread theirsystem across the continent. The little concession of "owning one'slabor" guaranteed by the "Fathers" became the greatest fact in American life; and southern leaders like Thomas Jefferson who believed in theequality of men, in so far as the state could make men equal, were outvoted and passed on as "back numbers."What happened in the cotton belt happened also in the tobaccoregion, and presently we find slave plantations on the banks of the Ohio,the Missouri, and the Des Moines. The planters were in a way to conquer the whole Mississippi Valley, and eastern men began to wonderwhere the end was to be. They had granted an inch and now theyfound that the whole cloth was about to be taken.And what is the more significant, the changes in eastern life seemedto work out the success of the planters. Napoleon and English warvessels of a hundred years ago destroyed the commerce which had beenthe basis of the bargain of 1787. The almost necessary change fromcommerce to industry in New England lent importance to the plantationsystem, for it supplied raw materials on which industry throve, or readymarkets for its output. The natural distrust of the planters was thusweakened. The day might come when the populous East would acquiesce in the permanent control of the growing country by the South.IS© THE UNIVERSITY RECORDAnd just as the South spread its institutions over the MississippiValley, the social changes of the time rendered the more secure the mastery of those who owned slaves. As an ambitious poor man rose in theworld, his wife or daughter felt the need of a cook or a maid. The onlyway in the South was to buy a slave. The cook or maid became themother of a family and the poor man was a master. A new social worldwas opened to him. His son might marry the daughter of one of "thefirst families." This was the typical process. The aspiring and thesuccessful everywhere were rapidly bound fast to the social system whichrested on the subjection of the negro. Unparalleled prosperity in bothtobacco and cotton regions hastened the development.What made the evolution the more certain and guaranteed the futureof the planter was the rapid conversion of the churches to slavery.A Baptist or Methodist clergyman who opposed the holding of men inbondage, as nearly all did in the beginning, was soon confronted with acongregation almost all of whose prominent members were owners ofslaves. Deacons, elders, and committeemen were successful planters.It was not long before the pastor's wife needed a servant too. Thepastor's salary was raised and he bought a maid, or sometimes the churchmembers made up a purse and gave the wife the needed "help." Somechurches bought slaves whose earnings were given as salary to thepreacher. How could moral scruples stand against such assaults?They succumbed and the religious leaders of all faiths gave their blessingsto "the institutions of the South."It passes without saying that the state was likewise the easy conquestof a system which so rapidly won the sympathy of all who were tryingto better their fortunes and which enjoyed the approval of the church.County courts, legislatures, governors, and southern delegations inCongress did the bidding of those who "owned their labor" and whocould make or unmake public men at will. The undertakings of statesand counties, the building of railways and canals, opened new economicareas which were promptly appropriated by the system. How couldit be otherwise? New markets made better prices and large-scaleproduction possible; and these invariably strengthened the hold ofslavery on the community.Education and the spread of information among the people onlyopened new worlds to poor men of which the social system of their" betters ' ' was the most immediate and the most attractive. Let happenwhat would, it only the more firmly secured things as they were, andthe man who talked of change was a revolutionist. He was toleratedMEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTER 151for a while. When he threatened to become successful in any sectionof the South, he was promptly suppressed, quietly if that succeeded,forcibly if necessary. It was a marvelous development and there aremany who do not understand it; perhaps the similar evolution of ourown day, which we are beginning to grasp, will enable us to perceivemore clearly what made the old South what it was in i860 and why herbest men were unable to resist.Lee and many other thoughtful leaders regretted and condemnedthe overthrow of democracy in the South, but resistance on their partwould have meant ostracism or emigration. To such a sacrifice evenheroes were not equal. One dies for a cause one does not wholly admirerather than risk the condemnation of one's peers.The South, in spite of its high-minded radicals like Jefferson andChristopher Gadsden, had set out on the way of privilege. The end ofthat way is aristocracy. Having denied the equality of men, it becamenecessary to establish the inequality of men. Jefferson was not yet inhis grave before leaders of his own party in Virginia publicly announcedthat the great Declaration was a delusion, perhaps a fraud. Twentyyears before the outbreak of the War, the two great parties of the country,both claiming direct descent from the first Republican president, ceasedto print the Declaration of Independence in their platforms.When a new party was organized and especially when it mobilizedthe great mass of wage-earners and small farmers of the North andNorthwest, southern men felt themselves to be endangered. They wereendangered, for the new Republican party had resurrected the idea ofequality; the new leaders were preaching again the doctrine of 1776,always a dangerous doctrine.But the South could not see its real situation. Its leaders, its writers,and its college teachers were committed to the interests of the planters.Constitutions, laws, habits, and religious faiths had been so woven aboutmen that the best of them were unable to break the spell. They werenot bad men. Accustomed to treat their slaves kindly, they resentedbitterly the charge of their opponents in the North that they were brutes;seriously religious and offering the consolations of the gospel to theirservants (which, to be sure, taught that servants must be obedient totheir masters), they could not endure the taunts of the outside worldthat they were wicked beyond all other men; protected by the federalConstitution, which had been canonized by their great jurist, Marshall,they would insist upon their rights or break into pieces the governmentwhich their fathers had done so much to found.152 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDWas ever a generation of men so completely enmeshed in the netof their own weaving? When the crash came, the South "went out"promptly and in order, as became men of long experience and greatpolitical ability. Their very ability proved their undoing, for thingswere done so well and so promptly that they came to look with contemptupon the cumbersome methods of democracy. It was good government which they had in mind, not self-government. "We go south tomake a government of gentlemen," said one of the shrewdest of southerners in 1861.Thus the great evolution had been worked out. A gigantic socialfabric had been erected. Its foundations rested on pre-Revolutionarysoil and all history seemed to support its stability. Nothing short ofa violent storm could overturn it.On the night of April 12, 1861, Mrs. James Chesnut, one of the bestwomen of America, as I judge character, was in Charleston. She wrotein her diary:I do not pretend to sleep. How can I ? If Anderson does not surrender, he shallbe fired upon. I count four; St. Michael's chimes out and I begin to hope. At half-past four, the heavy booming of a cannon. I sprang out of bed, and on my kneesprostrate I prayed as I never prayed before.And on the next day:But the sound of those guns makes meals impossible. None of us go to table.Some of the anxious hearts lie in their beds and moan in solitary misery. But Godis on our side.God was on their side, thought everybody in the South. The Northappealed to the same Heavenly Father. Was it not a sad thing ? Thebest of America was to go down in the impending struggle and whatmiseries were to be suffered by the poor and the helpless everywhere!Four years later, when General Sherman had marched throughGeorgia, and Sheridan had laid waste the valley of Virginia; when sixhundred thousand northern men had lost their lives, and Lincoln'sremains had just been laid away in Springfield; when Lee had surrendered and Jefferson Davis was fleeing for his life, this same womanwrote in a dingy little book which she called her diary:Went up to our old home. The Trapiers live there now. In those drawing-rooms where the children played, where we have often danced and sung, but neverprayed before, Mr. Trapier held his prayer meeting. I do not think I ever did asmuch weeping or as bitter in the same space of time. He prayed that we might havestrength to stand up and bear our bitter disappointment, to look to our ruined homesand our desolate country and be strong. We remain at home. We have done nothingMEMORIAL DAY: FIFTY YEARS AFTER 153that we had not a right to do, or anything of which to be ashamed. We shall not flyfrom our country nor hide anywhere in it.This was from the wife of a senator of the United States, from oneof the foremost of those who stood by Jefferson Davis throughout thosestormy years in Richmond.Nearly one million lives and ten billions of treasure were sacrificedin that tragic struggle. It was the price which that generation paid forbacksliding from democracy, a price which many fear will have to berepeated for a similar backsliding of the present generation. It was alsothe cost of our new nationality, the cost of the guaranty, at least for thepresent, of our exemption from civil commotion. It was a costly experience and I have often felt humiliated that America could not find abetter way.So, as we meet all over the North today to strew flowers on the gravesof those who gave their lives for our comfort, for our degree of civilization, and for our common country, let us think, too, of the vanquished,of the heroic men who went down thinking that God was on their side.It does not become this generation to throw stones at those who desertedthe cause for which their fathers fought in 1776. We are subjected tothe temptation which brought ruin to the planter civilization. Howwell we shall be able to withstand the lure of comfort, wealth, and socialprestige which a new system has brought to our doors has not yet beendetermined.But we are one and indivisible, a people with a rich background anda limitless future. The men of the mold of Lincoln and Lee havebequeathed us this. Let us on this fiftieth anniversary of the end of thegreat struggle honor every man who fell honorably, whether he was onthe successful or the losing side, for as the great New Englander alreadyquoted said, even in the midst of the war: "They were our countrymen."EVENTS: PASTTHE NINETY-FIFTH CONVOCATIONTheodore Marburg, A.M., LL.D., ofBaltimore, Maryland, formerly ministerof the United States to Belgium, president of the Society for the JudicialSettlement of International Disputes,member of the Board of Trustees ofJohns Hopkins University, and formerlypresident of the Municipal Art Society,was the Convocation orator on June 15,191 5. His address is printed in thisnumber of the University Record.The Award of Honors included theelection of nine students to membershipin Sigma Xi, and thirty-eight studentsto membership in the Beta of IllinoisChapter of Phi Beta Kappa.Degrees and titles were conferred asfollows: The Colleges: the Title of Associate, 198; the Certificate of the Collegeof Education, 24; the degree of Bachelorof Arts, 22; the degree of Bachelor ofPhilosophy, 218; the degree of Bachelorof Science, 78. The Divinity School:the degree of Master of Arts, 20; thedegree of Bachelor of Divinity, 8; thedegree of Doctor of Philosophy, 1.The Law School: the degree of Doctor ofLaw, 43; the degree of Bachelor of Laws,1. The Graduate Schools of Arts, Literature and Science; the degree of Master ofArts, 53 ; the degree of Master of Science,9 ; the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 27.The total number of degrees conferred(not including titles and certificates) was460.During the academic year 1914-15 thefollowing titles, certificates, and degreeshave been conferred by the University:The Title of Associate 359The Certificate of the College of Education 45The Degree of Bachelor of Arts, Philosophy, or Science 472The Degree of Bachelor of Arts, Philosophy, or Science, in Education. ... 74The Degree of Bachelor of Laws 5The Degree of Master of Arts in theDivinity School % 41The Degree of Master of Arts or Sciencein the Graduate School 130 AND FUTUREThe Degree of Bachelor of Divinity. ... 19The Degree of Doctor of Law 60The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy inthe Divinity School 7The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy inthe Graduate School 89The Convocation Reception was heldin Hutchinson Hall on the evening of June14. In the receiving line were Presidentand Mrs. Judson, the Convocation orator, Mr. Theodore Marburg, and thePresident of the Board of Trustees, Mr.Martin A. Ryerson, and Mrs. Ryerson.The Convocation Prayer Service washeld in Harper Assembly Room at ten-thirty Sunday morning, June 13, and theConvocation Religious Service at eleveno'clock in Leon Mandel Assembly Hall.The Convocation sermon was preachedby Rev. Charles Macaulay Stuart,M.A., D.D., Litt.D., LL.D., presidentof Garrett Biblical Institute, Northwestern University.THE UNIVERSITY ORCHESTRALASSOCIATIONThe annual meeting of the UniversityOrchestral Association was held inHarper Assembly Room at four o'clock,Tuesday, April 27. The report of theSecretary-Treasurer called attention tothe fact that eight concerts by theChicago Symphony Orchestra and tworecitals, a violin recital by Albert Spauld-ing and a song recital by Emilio deGogorza, had been given during theseason 1914-15. Season tickets to thenumber of 1,078 were sold, and 310students took advantage of the reducedrates. The officers elected at the annualmeeting were: President, James R.Angell; Vice-President, Mrs. HarryPratt Judson; Secretary-Treasurer;David A. Robertson; Directors: WalterA. Payne, Wallace Heckman, GeraldBirney Smith, J. Laurence Laughlin.The Directors have already decided tohave ten concerts during the season191 5-16, of which eight will be concertsby the Chicago Symphony Orchestra.The dates are: October 19, November 2,154EVENTS: PAST AND FUTURE 15523, Recital by Harold Bauer, pianist;December 7, January 4, 18, February 1,8, Recital by the Flonzaley Quartet;March 7, April 4.UNIVERSITY PREACHERSThe University Preachers for theSummer Quarter will be as follows:June 27 Rev. Professor Herbert Lock-wood WillettJuly 4 Professor Shailer Mathews" n Professor Francis Albert Christie,Meadville Theological Seminary,Meadville, Pennsylvania" 18 Rev. Ozora S. Davis, presidentChicago Theological Seminary" 25 Dean David Jones Evans, William Jewell College, Liberty,MissouriAugust 1 Rev. Bishop Edwin Holt Hughes" 8 Rev. Professor Theodore Gerald" 15 Rev. William C. Bitting, SecondBaptist Church, St. Louis, Missouri" 22 Rev. Professor Gerald BirneySmith" 29 (Convocation Sunday.) Rev.Frank W. Gunsaulus, Presidentof Armour Institute and Pastorof Central ChurchGIFTSHans Heyder, a young German lawyer,who intended to practice his professionin one of the German colonies, came tothe University of Chicago to study thecommon law. Upon the outbreak of theWar, although exempt from militaryservice, he immediately went back toGermany and enlisted as a volunteer.He fought in the East and was wounded;after his recovery he went back to thefront and then fell in the Carpathians.By his will, executed in Berlin on September 9, 1 9 14, he bequeathes to DeanJames Parker Hall the sum of twohundred dollars in trust to apply theinterest to the purchase of German lawbooks for the library of the Law School.Among the contemporaries of Lutherwho by their scholarship contributedstrength and permanence to the Reformation movement none was more famousor influential than Erasmus, the humanist, and Melancthon, the theologian.Among the books by which Erasmuscontributed both to the revival of Greekscholarship and the promotion of thestudy of the Bible, was his Annotations on the New Testament: In NovumTestamentum Annotationes. Basileae inoff. Frobeniana. 1542. A copy of thisbook, as was natural, came into the handsof Melancthon, and on its margin hemade certain manuscript notes of hisown. The library at Basel, in which thiscopy was preserved, was partly burnedin 1580, but the book itself, though partlyconsumed, escaped serious injury.Mrs. Emma B. Hodge, of Chicago, hasrecently procured this famous book, andfeeling that a book of such character andinterest ought to be placed in a university where comment on the Scriptureshas been so free and inspiring, has generously presented it to the Libraries ofthe University. To this gift she hasadded an autograph letter of Melancthonand an autograph letter of Erasmus,together with contemporary engravingsof the two friends. The book and theseother memorials of the famous scholarsare now to be seen in a glass case at theeast end of the main Reading-Room ofthe Harper Memorial Library.Among the important books andmanuscripts brought to Chicago by Mr.Wilfrid M. Voynich was a large foliocontaining three geographical manuscripts independent of each other. Thisvolume was purchased. One portion ofthis, the Brocardus, F., Descriptio seudeclaratio Terre Sancte, has been presented by Dr. Frank W. Gunsaulus tothe University of Chicago. Mr. Voy-nich's description of the manuscript isas follows: Elephant folio MS. on finevellum, second half of the 14th century,written in Paris, on eleven leaves. Thefirst page has a fine border in the lowermargin in gold and colors, representingfloral ornaments . The intervening spacesare powdered with burnished gold dots.The large initial at the beginning of thetext has a background of very beautifullyburnished gold, and is painted in red,blue, and white. The tail of the letter,also in burnished gold, is continued downthe whole side of the page. There aresix other similarly illuminated letters ofa smaller size throughout the MS, forthe sectional headings. The seven chapter headings have beautifully writtencapitals made with the pen in red andblue, and the caligraphic ornaments forparagraph and chapter finishing are likewise beautifully done. My opinion aboutthe date and place of origin of this MS156 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDis supported by the director of theBibliotheque Nationale of Paris, whosays that the size of the book, the qualityof the vellum, and richness of caligraphyand ornaments suggest that this MS waseither made for some royal prince orfor some professor at the Sorbonne forhis public demonstrations. GeographicalMSS of the fourteenth century of suchcharacter are of the utmost rarity. Thefirst separate printed edition of the bookappeared at Venice in 15 19, but the workwas_ included in a chronicle entitledRudimentum novitiarum, published in1475- The author, F. Brocardus, was aGerman dominican of the thirteenthcentury. He died in 1283. His bookon Palestine had a great popularity.Three gifts of prints have recentlybeen made to the University: Dr. F. W.Gunsaulus has presented twelve engravings of Raphael's "Hours," fourstates of an etching of Notre Dame, fourengravings of Raphael's "Mars," "Jupiter," "Saturn" and "Mercury," eightstates of the portrait etching of "Mary,Queen of Scots," by Teysonnieres; fromDr. William W. Everts an engraved portrait of William Mathews, professor ofEnglish in the old University of Chicago;from Mrs. Lucy M. Flower an engravedportrait of Maria Agnesi, an eighteenth-century professor of mathematics in theUniversity of Bologna, one of the womenmentioned by Miss Reynolds in heraddress at the Ninety-fourth Convocation.Mr. W. C. Sprague has presented aportrait of Dr. Henderson.From the class of 191 5 have been received ornamental lamp posts for Hutchinson Court.THE CHICAGO ALUMNI CLUBSCHOLARSHIP ANDLOAN FUNDThe Chicago Alumni Club of the city ofChicago has established a scholarship andloan fund. The chairman of the fund isWilliam Scott Bond. George E. Fair-weather is secretary-treasurer. The fundwill be administered by this committeewith the co-operation of the Dean of theFaculties. Each member of the clubcontributes $1.50 per year. A total of$162 .00 has been received in this way forthe current year. Other contributionsreceived up to June 15 amounted to$67.00._ The Owl and Serpent, the college senior society, has promised to con tribute $1,000.00. The club hopes tohave $2,000.00 on hand in the AutumnQuarter, when the fund is to be used forthe benefit of undergraduate students.ILLUSTRATIONS OF UNIVERSITYHISTORYThe history of the University of Chicago is illustrated in the President'sOffice collection of publications (officialand unofficial), photographs, and lanternslides. Over five hundred lantern slidesof many phases of University development are available for the use of alumniassociations and other groups interestedin the history of the institution. In addition to the series of architectural picturesthere are photographs of convocationsand other official public assemblies, athletic and other student celebrations, portraits of trustees, donors, and facultymembers. Especially valuable are certain photographs of the University andits environment in 1893. The cooperation of those fortunate enough topossess pictures or documents illustrativeof the history of the old University ofChicago or of the present will be deeplyappreciated. Photographic negatives orprints of the exteriors and interiors ofbuildings, snapshots of faculty membersin their laboratories or offices — in generalany subject likely to be of interest tofuture members of the University will beadded to the collection as opportunityoffers. So also student publications, Capand Gown, the old University Daily, occasional publications like the first song-book and house annuals, are desired.The file of Convocation programs lacksthose of the Seventh, Eighteenth,Twenty-fourth, and Seventy-first Convocations. Information about the collection may be secured from D. A.Robertson, The President's Office, TheUniversity of Chicago.GENERAL ITEMSThe address at the Ninety-sixth Convocation, Friday, September 3, in LeonMandel Assembly Hall, will be deliveredby Professor Nathaniel Butler, whosesubject will be: "Liberal Education andthe Time-Spirit." The Convocationsermon will be delivered in Leon MandelAssembly Hall, Sunday, August 29, byRev. Frank Wakely Gunsaulus, D.D.,LL.D., president of Armour Instituteand pastor of Central Church.EVENTS: PAST AND FUTUREATTENDANCE IN SPRING QUARTER, 1915 157Men Women Total1915 Total1914 Gain LossI. The Departments of Arts, Literature, and Science —1. The Graduate Schools:Arts and Literature Science 179222 12756 306278 269224 3754Total 401 183 S84 493 9i2. The Colleges:Senior 35655129 32437638 68092767 6948867i 4i 14Junior Unclassified 4Total 936 738 1,674 1,651 23Total Arts, Literature, andScience !,337 921 2,258 2,144 114II. The Professional Schools —1. The Divinity School:Graduate H5(4 dup.)12 10(1 dup.)3 12515 1219Unclassified Total 127 13 140 130 102. The Courses in Medicine:Graduate 5881172 1232 7084192 68IOI145Senior Junior Unclassified Medical Total (all duplicates) . 158 17 175 188 133. The Law School:Graduate 107361 42 III36431 103503i1Senior Candidate for LL.B Unclassified Total 185(43dup.) 6 191 185 64. The College of Education: 20 240 260 253 7Total Professional .... 490 276 766 756 10Total University 1,827 i,i97 3,024 2,900 124Deduct for duplication 205 18 223 244Net Totals 1,622 i,i79 2,801 2,656 145158 THE UNIVERSITY RECORDMr. Charles L. Hutchinson, who hasbeen treasurer of the Board of Trusteesof the University of Chicago since itsfounding, has received a deserved recognition of his great work for the city ofChicago in the conferring upon him of thehonorary degree of Master of Arts byHarvard University.Another trustee of the University ofChicago, Justice Charles E. Hughes, of theUnited States Supreme Court, was givena distinguished academic honor at the recent Yale Commencement, when he received the honorary degree of Doctor ofLaws.The Degree of Litt.D. was conferredon Dean James R. Angell at the recentCommencement of the University ofVermont.Dean Shailer Mathews of the DivinitySchool was elected at Los Angeles, California, on May 22, president of the Northern Baptist Convention.Dr. Frank Billings, Professor of Medicine, received from Harvard University atits recent Commencement the honorarydegree of Doctor of Science.Sherburne Wesley Burnham was giventhe honorary degree of Doctor of Scienceat the commencement of NorthwesternUniversity on June 9.Professor Robert Andrews Millikan received from the University of Pennsylvania at its recent Commencement thehonorary degree of Doctor of Science.At its last commencement Oberlin Collegeconferred on him the degree of Doctor ofScience.President Harry Pratt Judson represented the University of Chicago at therecent installation of Dr. Frank JohnsonGoodnow as president of Johns HopkinsUniversity.Professor Leonard Eugene Dickson hasbeen elected Associate Fellow of theAmerican Academy of Arts and Sciences.Professor J. M. Powis Smith, of the Department of Semitic Languages and Literatures, has been appointed editor of theAmerican Journal of Semitic Languagesand Literatures, to fill the place so longoccupied by Professor Robert FrancisHarper, of the same department.In the organization of the new department of Oriental Languages and Literature (founded April, 191 5), practical reasons have governed, and a scientificclassification has not been attempted.The scope of the organization has therefore been determined entirely by administrative convenience. The practicalpurpose of the new organization is tofurnish administrative facilities for offering a wider range of oriental studies, toinclude in some measure both the languages of the larger Asiatic or Far Orient,now so rapidly developing, and also thelanguages of Eastern Europe where itmerges into the Near Orient, includingespecially Russian. To the old Department of Semitic Languages and Literatures, covering the historic civilizationsof the Near Orient only, have thus beenadded the functions of an oriental seminary ultimately to include the Orient asa whole (except Sanskrit and comparativephilology, which are naturally groupedwith the classical languages). Thus farthe old Department of Semitic Languagesand Literatures forms the nucleus of thenew organization, which for the presentis made up of three sub-departments:(I) Sub-Department of Semitic Languages and Literatures; (II) Sub-Department of Egyptology; (III) Sub-Department of Russian Language andInstitutions. To these, sub-departmentsof Chinese, Japanese, etc., may be addedas circumstances may warrant.In Haskell Museum have been mounteda royal tombstone of the Xlth Dynastyand a large sculptured tomb door-post ofunusual interest. The latter a part of thetomb of a royal prince who lived at theclose of the Hid Dynasty, in the thirtiethcentury B.C. His royal father was thepredecessor of the builder of the GreatPyramid of Gizeh. The prince himself,therefore, whose name was Nefermat,was a contemporary of Khufu, builder ofthe Great Pyramid of Gizeh. For somereason Prince Nefermat did not succeedto the throne. Had he done so he mighthave become the builder of the GreatPyramid, and his name attached to thisvast monument might have been asfamous in the modern world as that ofKhufu (Cheops).The sculptures and hieroglyphs on themonument are all deeply recessed andthen filled with colored paste. Deeplysunken in the stone, they are much moredurable than ordinary relief or intaglio;and carved on the door-post is an interesting reference to this unusual technicalmethod, as producing hieroglyphs "whichcannot be rubbed off."THE CLASSICS BUILDING SOUTH DIVINITY HALLIN THE GRADUATE QUADRANGLE