K *•-•'«^^V'®4i £V<Vr*5*u.'^5C. » •*ftV.£dSP.<•** :>#.**•'o¦fcbï^S» THEUNIVERSITYOF CHICAGOMAGAZINETHEUNIVERSITYOF CHICAGOMAGAZINEThe Prospects for Peace in the Middle EastLéonard BinderThe Prospects for RévolutionRalph W. Conant 13Poem PortfolioThree poems, illustrated by Virgil Burnett 2432 Quadr angle News36 Alumni News44 Animal IndexVolume LXIII Number 5May/June 1971The University of Chicago Magazine,founded in 1907, is published five timesper year for alumni and the faculty ofThe University of Chicago, under theauspices of the Office of the Vice Président for Public Afïairs. Letters andeditorial contributions are welcomed.The University of ChicagoAlumni Association5733 University AvenueChicago, Illinois 60637(312)753-2175John S. Côulson, '36, PrésidentArthur R. NayerDirector of Alumni AfïairsGabriella Azrael, EditorJane Lightner, Editorial Assistant Régional Offices1 542 Riverside Drive, Suite FGlendale, Calif ornia 9 1 2 o 1(213) 242-8288320 Central Park West, Suite 14ANew York, New York 10025(212) 787-780030 Miller PlaceSan Francisco, Calif ornia 94108(415) 433-405018205 Lost Knife CircleGaithersburg, Maryland 20760(301) 948-14482nd class postage paid at Chicago,Illinois; additional entry atMadison, Wisconsin. © 197 1, TheUniversity of Chicago. Publishedin July/October, November/Dècember, January/February,March/April, and May/June.Cover: À Virgil Burnett illustration, taken from the "Poem Portfolio" in this issue.Léonard BinderI suppose that it is possible that peace will corne to the MiddleEast bursting through the dark cloùds and suddenly catching upthe peoples of that région out of their state of rigor metus intoa Semitic embrace of reconciliation and remorse. War has cornethat way, but I doubt that peace will. We cannot escape the factthat peace is more f eared by some than war, or that armed inactive hostility is preferred by many to both. Armed hostility pre-vents unwelcome communication. Armed hostility silences dissent. Armed hostility reinforces identity. Armed hostility en-hances proprioceptive sensitivky and dispels the ennui of thedeath wish. War can corne to the Middle East like a thuriderclapbecause the prévalent mental, structure that characterizes ourorientation to Middle Eastern afïairs présupposes the imminence of armed conflict. There are no widely accepted scénarios for peace, there are no mental images of * what it will be like,"there are no pseudo-nostalgie prophétie memories of the peace-ful events which hâve not yet occurred. There is no institutional-ized symbolic behavior by which the protagonists may show oneanother how they are likely to act in the peaceful future.Still, the rumors of change are persistent and the change inatmosphère is astonishing. What seemed so recently to be the inexorable regress of history is now a confused jumble of remem-bered posturing. Does Israël want to hâve peace taiks or doesn'tit? Do the Fedayeen threaten the government of Jordan or don'tthey? Does the Soviet Union dominate Syria or doesn't it? DoesEgypt wish to end the cease fire or to prolong it?It is easy enough to point to the important events which hâveevidenced the onset of change, but it is more difiicult to be sure2that thèse events represent forces that will be operative in thelonger run. No doubt, the most significant is Nasser 's death,and that perhaps more for its conséquences beyond the bordersof Egypt than within. A second very significant event has beenthe eleven-day civil war in Jordan and its efifect on the Fedayeenmovement. A third event is the shift in American policy frompressuring Israël to allowing much more if not complète free-dom of Israeli choice. A f ourth event has been the internai strainwithin the Ba'thi régimes of Syria and Iraq, a strain which wasat least brought to the surface by the events in Jordan.The current spate of cautious optimism is doubtlessly theconséquence of the prolongation of the cease flre and of the exchange of peace proposais through Ambassador Jarring. Thèsedevelôpments are reassuring because they represent a drawingback from the brink— a brink which was being rapidly ap-proached through escalation of armaments and through theescalation of minimal security requirements on each side of theSuez Une. During the cease fire each side has built up their défenses greatly, although it is probable that Israël remains at atactical disadvantage even though enjoying a greater overallstratégie advantage. There is no convincing évidence that Egyptplans to retake Sinai by force, and it would appear that Israëlhas learned the futility of its deep-bombing policy. But Israëlis more or less happy to keep its forces on or near the canal whileEgypt wishes to hâve them removed from Egyptian territory.Neither of thèse pref erred arrangements can be permanent with-out additional compensating arrangements and without a treaty.Is there anything besides the fear of war which can lead us tobelieve that peace in the Middle East is just around the corner?There are not only two countries at war in the Middle East, butmany, and so there can be no prospects for peace unless thereare a lot of them at once. It was the absence of such gênerai prospects that rendered the Rogers initiative, inopportune. Despitethe flawed thinking behind the Rogers initiative, events hâvecontrived to make of that proposai a triumph of simple-mindedpersistence over Levantine bargaining, The idea behind theRogers proposais was simply that peace cornes through peacetalks. The United States recognized the great mistrust prevailingbetween Israël and Egypt, but at least some of our foreign policydécision makers believed that progress could be made by relyingon Soviet coopération. By its own example in its relations withIsraël, the United States demonstrated to the Soviet Union howit might bring Egypt to negotiations. The Soviet Union did notfollow the American example precisely, but some pressureswere brought to bear on Egypt, and some promises were made. But the situation among thèse four countries, the United States,the Soviet Union, Egypt, and Israël, cries out for symmetry. Thelogic of balance eventually asserted itself when the UnitedStates, first reluctantly and later enthusiastically, began to de-liver advanced weapons to Israël. It is the symmetry and conséquent stability of the présent situation rather than its preg-nancy with peace which has made observers more optimistic.That Egypt agreed to negotiate, and even to sign a peacetreaty however indirectly through Gunnar Jarring, was cer-tainly a surprise. Egyptian violations of the cease flre last Augustand the conséquent military advantages gained were, of course,foreseen; but the absence of such opportunities in the past wasnot the reason for Egypt's resisting negotiations. From the earlymonths after the six-day war, Egypt has been under pressurefrom its Arab allies not to negotiate, not to make peace, and notto recognize Israël. This pressure was ail the more effective because it was built on the pre-war belief that Egypt was "soft" onIsraël and because the pressure was also applied by pro-WesternArab states who tied their financial subsidies to conditionswhich deprived Egyptian foreign policy of much of its maneu-verability.It has long been the view of foreign observers that Nasseralone, of ail the Arab leaders, was capable of negotiating withIsraël and possibly of making peace. Only he, it was argued, hadthe popularity and the guts to stand up against the corrodingcriticism which is the distinguishing mark of the Middle East-ern surenchère politique. But it is not at ail clear what Nasserwould hâve gained by negotiating, for the Israelis are not willingto trade control of Sinai and Gaza merely for the right to theuse of the canal. The Israelis will try to bargain for a secureeastern boundary as well. Since Egypt could not ofïer Israël asecure eastern boundary, it was fruitless to enter into negotiations. But by the same reasoning, the extension of Egyptian influence over the Fedayeen, the diversion of Fedayeen activityinto political and public relations channels, the strengtheningof the governments of Jordan and of Lebanon, and the counter-action of Syrian adventurism were ail policies which would im-prove Egypt's position vis à vis Israël. The Palestinian guerrillaswere not strong enough to penetrate deeply into Israeli territoryor to divert significant Israeli forces, but they were effective inThe authort an expert in Middle East politics and a longtimerésident there, is a prof essor in the Department of PoliticalScience.diverting attention from the Egyptian front. Egypt could im-prove its position only if it convinced Israël that the greatestdanger might corne from across the canal and that only KingHussein could deliver a secure eastern boundary. It is under-stood, of course, that Hussein could deliver only if he controlledthe guerrillas operating from Jordan and that he would deliveronly if Nasser said so. As long as Nasser failed to control thesituation in the Fertile Crescent he had to compensate for hisinternational political weakness by increasing military pressurealong the canal. Such pressure could only be maintained withSoviet assistance and Israeli acquiescençe.Peace ProposaisThe great powers hâve pressed their respective allies to enterpeace negotiations almost continuously, but thé latest campaignbegan in August of 1969 in the extremely promising guise ofGromyko carrying an American proposai to Cairo. That initiative was rejected, but more were to folio w until the Rogersproposais were fmally accepted and the cease fire implementeda year later in August bf 1970. The intervening year saw manyEgyptian foreign policy goals achieved or approximated, but italso witnessed the émergence of many new problems. Nasserintervened successfully in the Lebanon crisis of 1969 and pre-sided over the signing of a secret agreement between Lebanesegênerai Bustani and Yasir Arafat on November 3, 1969. Whilethat compromise applied mostly to Syrian-based guerrillas,Arafat's prestige had been enhanced and a Syrian maneuver hadbeen stopped. The folio wing month at the Rabat summit conférence of the Arab League Nasser broke up the meeting by in-sisting that Egypt, as the leader in the conflict with Israël, begranted increased subsidies from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.Nasser succeeded in getting financial assistance from Libya, healso succeeded in embarrassing the other donor countries, butperhaps most significant of ail, he prevented Yasir Arafat fromplaying a rôle of any importance at the meeting. Arafat, know-ing well the différences which divided the Arab leaders whogathered in Morocco, had hoped that they would ail prefer thepolite fiction of unity symbolized in support of the guerrillamovement rather than express their disagreements openly. Hewished to get more financial support and, with particular référence to the situation in Jordan and Lebanon, he sought to estab-lish the right of Palestinians to carry the fight to Israël from anyArab territory. Nasser 's walkout prevented Arafat from gainingany substantial success. At the end of 1969 Egypt's political situation was improving,though it still left much to be desired. Its military position wasweaker yet. Though able to harass Israeli ground forces, Egyptcould not cope with the Israeli air force. By November, 1969,Israël announced that it had wiped out ail of Egypt's anti-air-craf t missile emplacements on the canal. Shortly thereafter Israëlcommenced its most questionable military program of ail, theso-called deep-bombing of Egyptian targets in order to achievepsychological results. Egypt turned to Moscow for assistanceand accepted an arrangement which has fundamentally alteredEgypt's relations with the Soviet Union.During the winter and spring of 1970, Soviet planes mannedand maintained by Soviet troops and pilots and Soviet Sam 3missiles similarly operated by Soviet technicians were deployedin défense of Cairo, the Nile Delta, and more recently, the SuezCanal Zone. In the waning days of April it became knownthat Egypt had attained the means to offer a formidable riposteto the Israeli air force. Once the full complément of missileswere deployed, Egypt would be able to résume its war of attri-tion> or its harassment of the Bar-lev line, even though it couldnot yet hope to cross the canal in force.It is impossible to know fully why Egypt acceded to theRogers proposais last summer^because we cannot know whetherNasser 's goal was the simple one of establishing his missile défenses or of actually trying to achieve an Israeli évacuation. Wemay never know for sure, now, but my guess is that Egypt wasnot looking far beyond its missile défenses. If it hoped for morefrom the peace talks, Egypt would not hâve endangered the talksby moving the missiles. But even more fundamental was theknowledge that neither Nasser nor Hussein was really in controlof the Palestinian commandos. They were not really in a position to deliver on what would hâve to be the major Israeli de-mand. It would be unrealistic, however, to assume that Nasserwas unaware that the negotiations themselves, once undertaken,might channel events in a manner he could not control. Thenegotiators might become much niore vulnérable to great powerpressure.The precipitous movement of the missiles ail but guaranteedthe lack of seriousness of the Jarring talks, and the outbreak ofthe Jordanian civil war seemed to confirm the inauspicious be-ginning of the cease fire. Nevertheless, the outcome of the fight-ing in Jordan has been so detrimental to the Palestinian movement that one wonders whether the events in Jordan hâve notsupplied one of the preconditions for serious Egyptian negotiations. Nasser 's death came so quickly on the heels of the tem-4porary settlement of that fighting that we cannot tell whether itwould hâve influenced Egyptian policy, but it is noteworthythat just before Nasser 's death, Dr. Zayyat had indicated thatEgypt might be willing to do something about the missiles inorder to get the talks started again.Now* Nasser 's death intervenes and in a tragic manner itallows us to take the measure of the hero in history. The heroicphase of the Egyptian renaissance is indeed past. Prime MinisterMahmud Fawzi has promised to be as much concerned withdomestic needs, and in particular those of thç middle class consumer, as he will be with the pursuit of the war. But surely thisis strange talk from a strange source under the circumstances.A septuagenarian vétéran of the monarchical and revolutionarycareer services talking of civilian needs while over 10,000Soviet troops are quartered in or near the Delta, while Israëloccupies the Sinai Peninsula, while the Suez Canal remainsclosed, and while the entire population of the Canal Zone isdisplaced.Obviously the new leadership of Egypt does not yet hâve apolicy of its own. Anwar al-Sadat wields only the formai powerof office to which he may adjoin a symbolic continuity withNasser as the latest and most pliable of the Presidential alter-egos. Sha'awari Gomaa, also a military man, has now becomethe apparatchik par excellence, linking cabinet and party, armyand presidency, internai security and local government, in hisseveral administrative capacities. Ali Sabri appears to be backagain, and Mahmud Riyad the foreign minister. Army chiefMuhammad Eawzi, and most of the members of Nasser 's lastcabinet are ail still serving. It may be supposed that they wereprivy to whatever was being planned last Juiy, but now conditions hâve changed.Egypt Without NasserEgypt without Nasser does not appear to be a counterweight toSyrian-based commandos in Lebanon. Anwar al-Sadat neitherthreatens nor reassures King Hussein. Yasir Arafat who gam-bled desperately on Nasser 's support must now stave off his ownopposition without substantial external political légitimationand with the burden of having compromised with Egypt. Egyptwithout Nasser is no longer an important patron of the guer-rilla movement.Another important factor has changed, as well. The Egyptianposition has remained fairly consistent since late 1967. Egyptinterpreted the Security Council résolution as self-implement- ing, demanding withdrawal of Israeli forces from Sinai as aprélude to ail other political changes or negotiation. Later Egyptindicated a willingness to participate in indirect talks whichwould lead to a return of Sinai, but Nasser insisted on someovert indication of an American willingness to pressure Israël.In point of fact the United States did apply great pressure onIsraël to join the talks, and Israël gave in belatedly and grudg-ingly. Now, of course, American policy has changed and suchpressures hâve been withdrawn from Israël. As a conséquence itis more unrealistic than before for Egypt to hope to achieve aunilatéral Israeli withdrawal without quid pro quo.So long as there is no internai factional split, Egypt has littleto lose by persevering in a negotiating stance. Nasser legiti-mized the talks and the cease fire. Furthermore, Egypt has muchto gain if the Israelis can be induced to pull back. But, in returnEgypt will probably be asked to give up Sharm al-Shaikh, toallow Israeli ships to use the canal, to guarantee the demilitariza-tion of the Sinai, and to allow the permanent stationing of aUN force in Sinai. I do not believe that the présent régime cangrant thèse concessions outside of the context of a gênerai settlement and maybe it cannot grant such concessions at ail. On theother hand, if negotiations can keep the cease fire going, evenif those negotiations do not approach a solution, both sideswould probably prefer to negotiate even if only formally anddesultorily.Nasser 's death has left an immense vacuum in domesticEgyptian politics— a void which is not so apparent in the continuity of well-known personalities and organizations. We lookin vain for a power struggle as though Nasser had in truth beenan oriental potentate and as though his chief lieutenants werethe quasi-fraternal products of a royal harem. Power in Egyptwas not so naked, and the arenas of political conflict are notsufficiently integrated to provide the framework for a rationalstruggle. Nasser was not only the "maximal" leader in Egypt,but it was he alone that integrated the System into a singlearena. If there were rivalries, they were rivalries for his favor ina sector designated by Nasser 's policies. If there was Soviet influence, it was in military and administrative sphères markedout by Nasser. If there were individuals known to be pro- American or pro-Soviet, it was because Nasser chose them to carry outa pre-determined policy. It is true that Haikal, who had alwaysbeen close to the point of policy détermination, tried to holdhis key subordinate position by choosing Zakaria Muhiaddin asOmar chose Abu Bakr, or perhaps as Malenkov chose Beria. Ailhe succeeded in doing, however, was in bringing ail the others5together to prevent a swift takeover, and in particular, a take-over that might hâve had severe conséquences for Egyptian-Soviet coopération. Since that time there hâve been manyrumors regarding Soviet efforts to consolidate their position andto prevent either a sudden ouster or the overthrow of the Sadatrégime. Realistically, however, it does not appear to be a rationalalternative for Egypt to dispense with the Soviet présence dur-ing the current stage of the confrontation with Israël. On theother hand, the Soviet Union may not welcome an arrangementbetween Egypt and Israël which would permit Sadat to recon-sider the desirability of such an imposing Soviet présence.Israël, as we ail know, was extremely reluctant to respond tothe Rogers proposais, not only because they did not provide fordirect talks or territorial concessions, but especially because theyheld out no promise of a définitive settlement of the Palestinedispute. Israel's position has been fairly consistent, but essen-tially paradoxical. On the one hand, Israël has demanded directnegotiations, mutual récognition, free access to ail internationalwaterways in the région, and an agreed international dispositionof the claims of the Palestinian Arab refugees. On the otherhand, the same tough-minded, self -reliant, no-nonsense attitude,leads Israeli officiais to the conclusion that a formai, diplomat-ically worded document is not a material guarantee. If a peacetreaty will not lead to a new era of peaceful coopération, commercial exchange, and cultural familiarity, but will lead insteadto a period of préparation for yet a fourth round, then Israëlprefers an internationally supervised cease-fire, defensibleboundaries, ad intérim arrangements for transport and trade,and a suspension of ail commitments to the Palestinians. Giventhe development of Soviet support for Egypt, an intégral part ofthe Israeli bargaining position must be substantial countervail-ing support from the United States. If the United States urgesIsraël to make concessions, if the United States withholds arms,if the United States urges anything less than a comprehensivesettlement, Israël begins to feel that it is being pressured as itwas in 1956. The United States sômetimes feels that if it givesarms to Israël it is giving Israël the means to go it alone regard-less of American préférences— although it should be manifestthat such could only be the case for the short run. Israël feelsthat if the United States withholds arms then its intention is toforce Israël into a settlement entailing grave security risks.hence, the Israelis conclude, it is better to hold onto the occupiedterritories as a measure which enhances Israel's stratégie position rather than an act which increases the likelihood of Arabhostility. The critical issue remains, of course, Arab hostility, or unwillingness to accept an Israeli political entity in the longrun.Shifts in the Israeli PositionNot ail Israelis are as completely pessimistic about this matteras may be indicated by my description of the officiai Israelipolitical dilemma. Israeli attitudes hâve undergone someastonishing shifts of direction during the past year. In particular,we note the émergence to prominence and respectability pf theconciliatory position. Israelis are, like so many other peoples,extremely défensive in the face of external criticism, but highlycritical of one another. There hâve always been doves in Israëlbut the dove position was not a serious issue until the GoldmannAffair broke in April 1970 only weeks before the announce-ment that Soviet pilots were flying missions in Egypt. This newsreplenished the grim solidarity with which Israelis face externalthreats. Israeli leftists and others, too, had been severely crit-icizing Israel's deep-bombing policy when Nahum Goldmannreported that he had been invited to negotiate with Nasser, buthad been refused permission by the government of Golda Meir.The Israeli government was forced on the défensive by verysevere public criticism, and for a brief period it was possibleto see just how much the Israeli public was willing to supportpeaceful initiatives. Of course, thèse changes in public opinionhad something to do with Israel's décision to enter the peacetalks and maintain the cease fire. Israël could hardly hold outafter Egypt accepted, in the face of American promises andthreats, but to thèse pressures the voices of Israeli doves and afew American Jews were added. The renewal of the cease fireand the occasion of the Mapai Party élections hâve, however,brought a surprisingly strong séries of dovish responses fromthe top government leadership. Itvis apparent that the leadersof Mapai believe that a conciliatory attitude is good politics.At first one was led to believe that this conciliatory attitude wasmostly for foreign consumption because the first, reports werefrom abroad, and they included références to the possibilityof renewed relations with the Soviet Union.Now, however, it is clear that Israeli-Soviet relations cannotbe improved until some sort of settlement takes place betweenIsraël and Egypt. Moreover, the repeated, flat-footed statementsof Israeli leaders that they will not evacuate ail of the occupiedArab territories, that they will concède nothing merely to keepthe cease-fire operative, that they will not recognize the créationof a Palestine entity as part of a peace settlement, and thatthey are unhappy about the current rôle of Mr. Joseph Sisco,6indicates, if not merely some apprehensiveness regarding theirown soft-heartedness, then a greater concern for domesticopinion than foreign opinion. Domestic opinion in Israël isbeset by the anxieties of ail small countries embroiled in thegreat power international game, but it is more inclined towardpeace than toward a prolongation of armed hostility. The major ity of Israelis would be willing to make concessions in orderto gain peace, but they hâve no clear idea of which concessions,and, realizing the delicacy of the problem of timing whilegenerally supporting a government which has brought themvictory, security, prosperity, and dignity, the Israeli public doesnot press its leaders. Such pressure as has been brought to bearhas been from intellectuals, and none of them has a plan whichis known to be acceptable to any Arab leader. Even the Jewishleftist critics of Israeli policy hâve gradually returned to theconsensual position, the minimalist one of a Jewish if not aZionist state continuing beside a Palestinian state. The oldpartition scheme of 1947 instead of a mère compromise proposai has become a prophecy for the far left, but it is only f ervorand a self-deprecating demeanor that séparâtes the far left fromthe left. Ail of this does not add up to much pressure, so I thinkwe must conclude that there is some high governmental initiative behind ail this maneuvering. Internai party strife in Mapaiand the compétition between Allon and Dayan is not so muchconcerned with the nature of this gênerai line as it is with whoexpresses the line.In récent days, the Israeli position has become clearer. Noone is surprised to learn that they are seeking to combine theformai guarantees of peace treaty with the substantive benefitsof territorial concessions and limitations on the stratégie de-ployment of Arab military forces. In addition to the évacuationof nearly ail Egyptian and Jordanian territory, at least accordingto the most récent reports, Israël is being asked to allow thereopening of the Suez Canal and to allow the re-establishmentof Jordanian sovereignty in the West Bank. Opening the canalwill strengthen the Soviet position in the Persian Gulf, in theIndian Océan, and possibly in the Far East. The removal ofIsraeli forces from Sinai will also allow the United States andEgypt to renew diplomatie relations and possibly diminishsomewhat Soviet influence in Cairo. Allowing the Jordanianrégime to become re-established in the West Bank will meanthe defeat of the Palestinian movement for the time being butit will hardly lead to a stable situation unless there is a greatermeasure of Israeli-Jordanian coopération thereafter. DespiteTime magazine's prématuré célébration of progress along the Jordan, that aspect of the problem still looms as more difficultthan the Sinai issue.Israël knows only too well that Egypt, and in particular anEgypt without Nasser, cannot deliver a settlement with thePalestinian movement. The uncertain situation in Jordan haskept the Israelis on edge, their powerful énergies prepared toset up a Palestinian entity on the West Bank, to settle the landsalong the Jordan boundary, to transfer population from theGaza Strip to Samaria, or to set up a customs union or confédération with a new Palestinian state. The Israelis are filledwith the same uncertainty that besets the Palestinians of theWest Bank. They too don't know whether to bet on Hussein,and they don't know whether they can trust the commandos.During the Jordanian civil war Israël mobilized to warn againstany outside intervention, but they also let it be known that theywould be willing to negotiate with the Palestinians if they won—or if they would only gtt it over with. On the other hand, themost récent stories of meetings between Hussein and Allonsuggest that Israël has not yet changed its basic policy of hostility toward the Palestinian movement and the refusai to rec-ognize the Palestinians as a potential interlocutor. This overtIsraeli or at least Meir position is justified by the overt positionof the Fath, and any alternative position would hâve to be basedupon the spéculation that the Palestinians could be satisfied tosimply succeed the présent state of Jordan. *It remains uncertain if not downright unrealistic for Israëlto assume that an agreement with Hussein that does not bindthe Palestinians will be stable. But then no one supposes thatany treaty can be absolutely iron-clad. The only remedy foruncertainty is to demand greater concessions; knowing, however, that thèse concessions, if granted, make it more ratherthan less likely that the treaty will be breached. If the precon-dition of the treaty is the suppression of the commandos, thenthe validity of the treaty will dépend upon the effectiveness ofsuch suppression— surely a flimsy reed upon which to lean. Anyof a number of rival Arab states is capable of reviving theFedayeen movement to a point surpassing Israel's tolérancethreshold, and thus undermining a peace treaty.The Arab states, fearing Egypt less without Nasser, are notso adamantly against Egypt's negotiating with Israël. The Egyptian leaders hâve a lot less face to save, so they risk less in deal-ing with the Israelis. Having less influence to wield among thenon-Egyptian Arab peoples, they are not afraid of losing influence. Nasserism was the only ideology Egypt could export,and Nasserism, the cuit of the hero, died with the hero.7Egypt and Israël comprise a modular dyad whose relationswith one another and with the great powers ofïer a sufficiencyof potential permutations to delight the heart of any académieinternational relations casuist. When conceived of in systematicrelationship with the two or the four, or is it five, great powers,the international positions of thèse two régional powers enticethe mind to rational reconstructions of the balance of power,idealized patterns replète with homeostatic and servomechan-istic processes.The situation is decidedly the contrary in the Fertile Crescent.Even though the great powers hâve exercised immense influencein those countries at certain times, the Arab lands of SouthwestAsia are locked in an irresolyable complexity of political en-tanglements. The political struggle which is neither domesticnor international has continued unabated for twenty-five yearsin the obscurity of remote désert capitals, in wind-swept andsandy army tents, in the carpeted réception rooms of ruralnotables, and in the dingy club rooms of the petit bourgeoisintelligentsia. We know too little of thèse countries, but we talkand write too much about them. We constantly reach beyondthe few facts we hâve, and in our ignorance, we suppose thatnothing ever changes.The Fertile CrescentThe Fertile Crescent is a jumble of small provinces left behindin the ebb of the Ottoman Empire. It has no center and noperiphery. Sections, of it look to the Mediterranean and sectionslook to the Persian Gulf. As the name of the région implies,the Crescent surrounds a désert, a barren emptiness which hasprofoundly influenced the culture of thèse countries from thetime of the nomadic Hebrews right up to the most récent clashbetween the commandos and the Jordanian army. There are, ofcourse, many crowded along the Levant coast, with their facessteadfastly turned toward the setting sun, but the nodal pointsof Middle Eastern political culture are Damascus and Jérusalem,Baghdad and Amman. Like moons detached from a disintegratedplanet, they hâve been flung into the dark space of post-modernworld politics, fearing yet hoping to find themselves in a newand stable gravitational pattern.-Nasser as an heroic leader, but not the burdened Egypt, wasbriefly thought to be a possible polar constant for this collectionof provincial polities. In 1957, the Ba'thi leadership of Syriathought that a renascent Egypt could save them from bothCommunist infiltration and propertied reaction. They thought8 they could use Egyptian support as a base upon which to buildthe ideological and political unity of the Fertile Crescent. Theirutter miscalculation almost shattered theJBa'th party, it certainlydestroyed its ideological unity, and it so exacerbated existingfears and rivalries that it made the prospects for unity moreremote than ever.When Nasser was> later rejected, tentatively in 196 1 and defin-itively in 1963, he lashed back so severely that the singlestrength of the Ba'th, its ideology, was dealt a mortal blow.The blow was mortal in the sensé that Ba'thism will not be ableto unité the Arab peoples of the Fertile Crescent, but the blowwas not immediately fatal and it has left the adhérents of theBa'th in a lingering agony.The Ba'th was able to return to power in Syria in 1962 onlybecause of the growth of an important Ba'thi faction among theAlawite military. The military faction was soon caught in acrossfire between a variety of older génération pre-union romande idéologues and a younger génération of Marxists andnew leftists. In 1963 a similar collection of Ba'thi factions tookover in Iraq in a vengeful bloodbath which decimated the IraqiCommunist movement. Smaller Ba'thi factions were organizedin Lebanon and Jordan but thèse were closely watched, harassedand some members were jailed or exiled. So there was theNational Command, the régional Commands in each of thèsecountries, the anti-Communist faction, the extremist-Marxistfactions of Jadid in Syria and the Ali Salih Sa'di in Iraq, themilitary faction, the heterodox group, the pro-Nasser group,and so on. In gênerai, the military holds the upper hand inBa'thi factional strife, and the military is the most institutionallyoriented, the most provincially oriented, the most prof essionallyoriented, the least ideologically oriented, and the most likely ofail factions to lose if political unification takes place.Nasser tried to overthrow both the régimes of Syria andIraq and he failed with the first but succeeded with the second.In def ending itself against Egypt, Syria drew closer to the SovietUnion, became more intransigent, if possible, on the Palestinianissue, and began to encourage the organization of Palestinianguerrillas. Possibly as the resuit of Soviet influence, and withthe cautious acquiescence of the military faction, the moreideological and aggressive civilian faction took power in Syrialater in 1966. It was this régime which the Soviets were deter-mined to protect from the conjectured Israeli attack of May,1967, and it was this régime which was the major instrument ofSoviet policy in the Middle East until Egypt's defeat in the six-day war. Even Soviet policy must be shaped to some extent byits instrument, which is why that policy was disruptive anddestabilizing in intent until Egypt became the chosen, or self-chosen, Soviet instrument.Amazing as it may seem, the Atassi-Zu'ayyin Ba'thi government of Syria lasted out the crisis and war of 1967, sufferedthe loss of the Golan Heights, yet mounted no major militaryactivity against the Israelis, and still maintained power rightup to the Jordanian civil war. It is true that during this period,even though Syria is no longer the major Soviet ally in therégion, Soviet économie and technical assistance has begun tobear fruit in a visibly improved economy and in an increasinglyprosperous urban segment. Syria has supported the Fedayeenbut in a manner to insure Syrian political influence. The resuithas been to create suspicion and hostility in Lebanon and Jordanas well as Egypt. The Syrian government has disagreed sharplywith George Habbash and even with Arafat. And, of course, itcontinues to disagree with the new Ba'thi government whichtook over in Iraq in 1968. Last fall the stable equilibrium of theSyrian régime was upset by the aftermath of their interventionin the Jordanian civil war. The more moderate military factionhas now taken over.The most astonishing proof of the malfunction of the neuralsynapses of inter-Arab politics is the failure of the Ba'thileadership in either Syria or Iraq to respond effectively toNasser 's death. Presumably, Nasser was their only substantialrival for the ideological leadership of the Arab world. So slowwere the réflexes of both the Syrian and Iraqi régimes that evenafter Nasser 's death they continued with the factional disputesover how far they should hâve intervened in Jordan. Moreprecisely, it may be said that Nasser had successfully attainedthe greatest influence over the greatest part of the Palestinianmovement, and with his death the Ba'th might be able to estab-lish its own influence over this important force. Certainly theFedayeen cannot stand alone against Hussein, and they may beforced to seek Syrian or Iraqi support. This shift could be madeèasier for the Fat h if there were some invigorating changes inBa'thi ideology, that is if they would take spécial cognizanceof the national identity problems of the Palestinians. Not onlyis such a change unlikely, but insofar as we can judge the mean-ing of the récent struggles for power in Syria and Iraq, it hasbeen the non- intervent ionist factions which hâve won for thetime being.Rumors regarding this government of Syria now go far be-yond describing its modération. A number of observers expectHafiz al-Asad to try to join the Jarring talks. Syria would cer tainly like to get the Israelis out of the Golan Heights as badlyas the Israelis would like to stay. It is unlikely, indeed, thatIsraël will evacuate the Heights under àny circumstances, butif they do, it will be as a resuit of direct peace talks or over-whelming force. Nevertheless, no one has ever suggested thatit was politically feasible for any government of Syria to negotiate with Israël. I do not believe that this government canmake such a massive change of direction and survive. It israther more likely that Egypt or Jordan will bargain for theGolan Heights— but it is not at ail likely that Israël will accède.So far as I can see, this new moderate government of Syria haschanged little. If it can prolong the period of économie pros-perity with Soviet assistance, the ideological climate maychange. If not, then it will continue in its tragic immobilism.The Rogers ProposaisI hâve said that the idea behind the Rogers proposais was flawed,and this was so because Rogers proposed talks among Egypt,Israël, and Jordan excluding the Palestinian movement. Such anapproach was feasible only if it could be assumed that thePalestinian movement could be satisfied with a mère restorationof their rights as refugees, or that they might be suppressed byJordan, or that Israël would be satisfied with a treaty thatrestored ail or most of the occupied territories to Jordan whileJordan allowed the Fedayeen a free hand in raiding Israël. Israëlwas finally induced to enter the talks under the anomalousconditions described, but the Palestinians refûsed to go along.Despite broad hints from Cairo that Nasser's course was reallyduplicitous, and that he would not sell out the commandos,the Palestinians could not be reassured that their interests wouldultimately weigh in the balance with their Egyptian allies andtheir Jordanian hosts. Still, Nasser was able to neutralize Arafat.It was Habbash and pflp who broke the uneasy situation inJordan by ordering the multiple hijàckings. Nasser tried to stepinto the breach, but we do not know what he was trying toaccomplish when the end came.It is at least clear that the events in Jordan during the ten dayspreceding Nasser's death had eluded Egyptian control anddirection. From the end of the six-day war right up to theprésent there has persisted a stable relationship of mutualpolitical support between Égypt and Jordan. Indeed it was ameasure of Président Nasser's skill and prestige that he was ableto develop an equally strong relationship with Yasir Arafat andthe Palestine Liberation Organization. Egypt was not on such9good terms with other guerrilla groups, and, of course, relationsbetween Hussein and Arafat hâve usually been strained. Thisanomalous situation could persist only because other mattershâve been allowed to languish in an ideological swamp of uncertainty. Thèse matters are the ones connected with the questionregarding a Palestine entity. The guerrilla organizations are notpresumed to hâve the talent, the aspiration, the function, northe physique for governing. Jordan and Palestine were notpresumed to occupy the same territorial space and possibly noteven the same ideological space. Rival guerrilla organizationswere presumed to represent the political cleavages among Palestinians only and not some sort of extension of what MalcomKerr has somewhat exaggeratedly called the Arab Cold War.The ideological goals of the guerrillas were presumed to hâveno relevance beyond Palestine, while Palestine itself was onlyseriously discussed in terms of Israeli territory. Palestinian na-tionalism was presumed to hâve no major conséquences for thefuture of the pan- Arab idéal or for the future of other hyphen-ated Arab nationalisms.None of us are so naive politically that we do not understandwhy there is either silence or obscurity about such matters. Tounravel thèse issues would alienate some or ail of the Arab allieswhom the guerrillas need so badly. The straightest path is clearlynot the most efficient for achieving the goal of creating a Palestine entity. Furthermore, any mute or even ideologically ob-fuscated organizational effort to create a fait accompli or to fixthe pattern for the future, such as the formation of a coalitionor front of Palestinian groups, tends to force one group or an-other to raise disuniting issues. This situation still prevails eventhough it is quite widely believed that no settlement of theMiddle East conflict is possible without a participating Palestinian présence, and even though many believe that the présentrégime of Jordan cannot persist. I do not think that PrésidentNasser was under any illusion regarding the situation in Jordannor regarding the pressures and tensions within the guerrillamovement. Still, it is clear that Nasser, like many others, couldeither do nothing to résolve the Jordanian anomaly or felt thatthe time was not yet ripe to precipitate a resolution. Obviously,it is not enough simply to say that Hussein must go. Any re-sponsible leader must consider what will take his place, or moreaccurately must consider the efïect that the manner of his"going" or the process of his replacement will hâve on whomand what will take his place. Now up to the outbreak of masshostilities between the Jordanian Army and the guerrillas thepresumed necessity of the collapse of the government of Husseinwas thought to be relevant to the distant future. Perhaps there were even some in Washington and in Cairo who thought thatit was just possible that the guerrilla movement would run itscourse and magnanimously opt for political oblivion. It isdifficult to understand the proffering and the acceptance of theRogers proposais on any other ground.But if Nasser was under no illusion regarding the situationin Jordan, then he must hâve expected attempts to upset thecease fire and possibly to overthrow Hussein. Despite suchexpectation it has been the rule of nearly ail concerned, ofHussein, of Egypt, of Israël since Karameh, of the Soviet Unionand of the United States, not to create the guerrilla movementand not to react dialectically (if possible) with it. Syria, as weknow, has taken the alternative course in attempting to shapethe guerrilla movement to its own goals. The guerrilla movement had to become a reality by itself, and despite great politicalif not military strides taken since 1967, there was little doubtthat the guerrilla movement lacked confidence in itself in themeasure that such confidence was withheld by ail those whowere hedging their bets. Without such uncertainty on both sidesmatters would not hâve corne to the parlons state reflected inthe brutal fighting in Amman. The airplane hijackings wereboth misleading and destructive. Misleading because they en-tailed a projection of the weakness and near ideological irrele-vance of the pflp as characteristic of the entire Palestinianguerrilla movement, and destructive because they precipitatedaction on the part of Hussein which was originally aimed atbrushing aside a weak adversary but which was transformedinto the decimation of a relatively powerful movement.Ail of us began to draw rapid conclusions from the horribleevents in Amman, and the most popular view was that Hussein'swas a Pyrrhic victory, that the end was a lot nearer than wethought, and that it would be better to start answering some ofthe unasked questions. I do not know whether Egypt encour-aged Hussein to assert his authority, but the surprising résistance of the Palestinians and the threat of Syrian interventionled to a shift in Egyptian policy. Alternatives to Hussein, andthere is really only one that is widely acceptable, had to beconsidered. Still caution had to be exercised because one couldnot be sure of how much of the Palestinian movement wasdestroyed in the Amman fighting. It is my view that, in hislast days, Nasser was not merely trying to end the fighting inJordan, nor merely trying to get both sides to compromise. Ibelieve that the Egyptian government had decided that thesituation in Jordan was so unstable that really serious préparations had to be made in the event that a successor régime wasnecessary or désirable.10The Jordanian régime has been weakened by a number offactors: by the défiance of the guerrillas, by the brutality of thefighting in Amman, by the criticism of its military action fromthe lat'e Président Nasser,>irom some citizens of the West Bankand by the seriousness of the threat posed by Syrian intervention. On the other hand, that government has achieved somesort of military success, it has the support of important population segments, and it has the support of the United States.The leading protagonists on the Palestinian side hâve not corneout of ail this very well either, for the brief but ominous Syrianintervention has ail but shattered Arafat's presumptive succession. Habbash has managed to gain notoriety and he hasachieved an aura of romanticism, but it is obvious that he setin motion events which he could not control and in which hedid not even seem to play a very significant rôle.Loss of StabilityNasser's death removes the single most important source ofstability in the process of political change in Jordan. Now morethan ever has the political and ideological responsibility shiftedback to the Palestinians themselves. They were gravely weakenedboth politically and organizationally at the very moment whenmost of the interested parties, twenty-two long years afterpartition, announced their willingness to concède political rightsto a Palestine entity. The rôle of the Jordanian régime wasnot only one of repression of Palestinian rights; its rôle hasalso included the provision of a protective arena in whichcertain problems of identity, ideology, and political precedencecould be worked out. Wlien that protective rôle was prema-turely removed, the Palestinians were not ready with a realisticsolution. It was possible, maybe even necessary and useful, toact in an unrealistic manner during the first period of the crys-tallization of the movement. But now there are no protectors,no patrons, and no Dutch uncles. The Palestinian movementhas used violence and it has profited from that use, but theline between resisting a politically imposed destiny and thewasting of heroism in a vain attempt to destroy psychologicaland historical reality is often obscured in the heat of the struggle.Still, one cannot expect modération from the Palestinians untilthey hâve got something to be moderate about. They couldprobably achieve that "something" if they could negotiate as aunified body, but they are not unified and the guerrilla leadersdo not represent ail Palestinians. It is, however, clear to methat the task of completing the ideology, organization, andoperational code of the Palestinian movement is somethingthat must be done by Palestinians for Palestinians, and that both hostile friends and friendly enemies can only stand by and wait.If this second stage of crystallization as a political entity, asopposed to a loose collection of guerrilla groups, is achieved,then I présume that serious negotiators will présent themselvesin Amman, in Damascus, in Cairo, in Jérusalem, on the WestBank, and among the so-called Big Four.At this moment, the situation appears to be particularlyunsuited to the kind of political development which the Palestinians must achieve, for Nasser's death, the outcome of theJordanian fighting, and the renewed interest in the cease fire arenone of them apparently favorable to the Palestinian cause.Thèse events seem to point to the need for a period of politicalrethinking. It may be prématuré to expect the Palestinianmovement to change from violence to statesmanship, but thatis what the situation requires.The highest point of the Palestinian movement was achievedin the first days of the civil swar in Jordan. Then they success-fully defied the royal troops of the Arab légion. They held theattention of the world in thrall with the prospect of hundredsof hostages diverted from luxury airliners to the wind-sweptdésert. They threatened the cease fire laboriously achieved bythe great powers, by United Nations diplomats and by thelegitimate governments of the Middle East. They had thesympathy of the Arab masses and of many others besides, aswell as the verbal support of the Arab governments. For thefirst time, there were spokesmen on the West Bank, in occupiedPalestine who spoke up against Hussein and in favor of Arafat.Even the Israelis seemed to shift their position to one of con-sidering récognition of a Palestine entity. But Husseins Légionwon the first battle and has since aggressively pressed its advan-tage despite the formai arrangement of more than one cease fire.Syrian intervention was stillborn, and now a Syrian régimewhich is not quite so adventurous has corne into power. Thesame is true of the slightly changed leadership in Iraq. Nasser'sdeath brdught to Egypt a régime which does not hâve a strongsensé of obligation to support or act with the commandos.Egypt, of course, has problems of its own. As Hussein's forcespursue the commandos, the spokesmen for the West Bankhâve again lapsed into silence, and the Israelis hâve again begunro feel that Hussein is a valid interlocutor. Even Lebanon, sen-sing the décline of Fedayeen influence and feeling less thepressure of Syrian-based commandos, has elected a présidentwho is determined not to give way to Palestinian pressure.World opinion, too, which was fascinated by the high adventureof air piracy, is bored by the systematic mopping up of Palestinian résistance in Jordan. Of course, the Palestinian move-nment is not dead, but it has been dealt a vicious blow. It doesnot appear that the Palestinians will be able to apply muchpressure on the Arab goverments for a while if indeed they willever again be able to do so. In f act, it is likely that their strongestsupport assuming that they will be able to moderate their extrême demands, will corne from an Israël which is determinedto achieve a secure environment and as broad a settlement aspossible.Israël appears to be hostile and inflexible on the Palestinianquestion, but I believe that the key to Israeli intransjgence onmany questions is in the hands of the Palestinians. I assume,but I do not know for sure, that a reasonable approach from aviable Palestinian organisation will receive a reasonable re-sponse from a viable Israeli government, even if not theprésent government of Israël. Whether Israël and Palestine, ifever two such entities coexist, can stand together against thepressures of international politics I am not sure, but I wouldlike to see them try. At the moment, however, the internationalenvironment is not particularly conducive to such an outcome.Before the six-day war and even before Soviet troops werecommitted to Egypt, it was possible to think seriously of anaccommodative agreement between the United States and theSoviet Union that would not merely divide the Middle Eastinto sphères of influence. The idéal accommodation wouldentail three components: ( i ) a great power agreement, (2 ) anArab-Israel settlement, or at least an Egyptian-Israeli arrangement, and ( 3 ) great power disengagement and a réduction inthe possibility of an armed confrontation in the Middle East.The third component is an essential élément providing for agênerai réduction of international tension, but a prerequisite ofsuch disengagement is that the Arab-Israel settlement be reallyacceptable to both sides and not require great power enforce-ment. King Hussein pref ers great power enforcement, accordingto a récent report, and I would suppose that Lebanon would also.But thèse préférences are based on the assumption that therewill be a continued Soviet présence in Egypt. Those who fearthat présence would like to see a more formai confirmation ofthe American présence in the région. The United States is stillreluctant to formalize its commitment, but a few Americanleaders who hâve talked longingly of a Soviet- American accommodation in the Middle East hâve seriously considered thepossibility of agreeing to a jointly administered and guarariteedrégional settlement. Thèse views began to receive support beforethe most récent régional commitment of Soviet troops, and soail of the risks entailed in a great power settlement without disengagement were, perhaps, not so clear as they now are. Itis apparent that the stationing of Soviet troops on land in theMiddle East has increased the burdens on a great power accommodative agreement. If the agreement is to be based on reci-procity, will the United States hâve to station some of its troopsin the région or will the Soviets be expected to withdraw theirs?If both sides guarantee the future arrangement, will they enforcethat guarantee by means of a joint military force or by means ofseparate forces which may end up confronting one another?It is likely that only Egypt and Israël will prefer great powerdisengagement, but in the near term, before a settlement isreached, neither can afford to encourage their great powerallies to disengage. ^The Soviet Union will be reluctant to disengage in Egyptuntil the new régime is Consolidated and until peace is achievedwith Israël, or at least until Israël no longer poses a threat to theEgyptian armed forces. Assuming that such conditions areattainable in the foreseeable future, Soviet intentions may thenbe tested. If the Soviets insist on maintaining something liketheir existing formidable présence in Egypt, then one can deducethat they entertain important aspirations in other countries inthe région. A good sign to the contrary, that is that they may beready to disengage at the proper time, will be their agreementto renew diplomatie relations with Israël while allowing Egyptto renew diplomatie relations with the United States. It is mis- *taken to expect Jarring to succeed in framing a peace treaty ina context in which great power policies remain obscure.Finally, let me say that I am apprehensive about the views ofthose who eagerly and optimistically look forward to the sortof peaceful solution Jarring can achieve. What I fear is thevision of peace as the formai implementation of an internationallégal brief. Peace in the Middle East, peace between Israelisand Arabs, and especially between Israeli Jews and PalestinianArabs, is not the end of anything, not the awakening of Jewsfrom the nightmarish fantasy of a pogrom or the realization ofthe Arab dream of the evolutionary end of the Jewish peoplethrough de-Zionization. Peace is the starting point in a cultural,an économie, and even a political process which must engagethèse two peoples which hâve so deeply influenced one another 'sdestinies. As we do not deny the history of 2,000 years agolet us not deny the last hundred years. A formai peace treatymay be possible even in the opacity of the présent, but a lastingpeace can only be built on serious and informed projectionsof how it wiil be to live together beyond the mirrored wall ofa treaty.12Ralph W. ConantYouth rébellion— as manif ested in the student protest movement— is a challenge to the society to put into practice the ideals ofindividualism and democracy which were the founding principes of the American nation. Although we hâve equivocated,abused, and distorted thèse ideals in the expediential course ofnation building, génération after génération has absorbed thèseas fundamental cultural values.Americans are now living through a period of drastic transition between a past in which poverty was the normal conditionof man and a future in which prosperity and well-being couldbe the norm. The older génération who were poor or whosef athers were poor are not easily persuaded that recently acquirednational affluence is a permanent condition. Their confidence istempered by fresh memories of uncertainty and failure. Wehâve achieved material security, but we are so fearful of losing our hold on it that we continue by rote and ritual to concentrateupon the procréation of wealth, often to the exclusion of Personal and human values. We strive for the^goôd life, for thewhole man, while we deny to ourselves the realization of thatancient dream.The rigors of poverty compelled past générations to austeri-ties which we are hard put to shrug ofï even as the achievementof a successful économie System seems assured and irréversible.The author, AM54, PhD '59, is the director of the înstitute forUrban Studies at the University of Houston and the author ofThe Prospects for Révolution (Harper and Row), publishedearly this year. Somewhat awed father of two collège daughters,he has a personal as well as professional pipeline to the prospectsfor révolution.13Because memories of former times are painfully fresh, the gov-erning génération guards almost to the point of ossification thestructures which seem to guarantee security.Youth in rebellious protest press for the values of personalfreedom, individual creativity, and broadened participation ingovernment as priorities in our further development as a démocratie society. Youth is urging the loosening. of the bonds ofausterity and de-emphasis of material achievement and con-spicuous consumption. Youth has intuitively recognized, beforethe older génération, that the time has corne when such goalscan be realized.The key to youth unrest is the rapid and unsettling changethat has characterized American society since World War II:unprecedented économie expansion stimulated by war; a gen-eralized policy of military preparedness; aggressive govern-mental action on social problems; the population boom; tech-nological development; the urgency since the Bomb to main-tain international stability and since Sputnik, greatly improvedpublic éducation.Youth of the 1960's was the first génération of Americansborn into such change, a fact which accounts for their pervasiveunease quite apart from spécifie situations which hâve pre-cipitated political activism. The unsettling conséquence of social change especially for youth is that the values, relationships,and behavior patterns become obsolète or inoperative. More-over, the shaping of new ones is disorienting, even traumatic.Had there been in the 1960's no serious value conflicts to setthem ofï, youth might hâve reacted to the value shifts by with-drawing to the point of delayed maturity— a trend encouragedby a contemporary educational System which prolongs entryinto the adult world. The latent activism of youth was triggeredby the historical coïncidence in the 1960's of complex and ac-celerating change compounded by national value crises involv-ing widespread poverty, racial injustice and an unfortunate war.Thèse issues présent moral dilemmas of very substantial proportions.The dual confrontation in America of value change and valuecrises has strained the capacity of politically oriented youth torelate in sodally positive and personally constructive ways to theadult world. Youth in ail cultures pass through a process ofsocialization in which they learn about the spécifie adult rôleswhich they must assume to perform functions essential to theopération of the society. Entry into adulthood is a sequentialprocess of rôle identification, interprétation, acceptance, andassumption. The acceptance and performance of societal rôles involves acceptance of the values of society. Such values providethe psychological foundations which link the individual tosociety.Socialization of youth is easiest in isolated societies withclear-cut, internally consistent value Systems. In such societies,rôles are well defined and easily learned. The isolation fromcompeting value Systems éliminâtes a choice that might interfère with acceptance of predetermined rôles. By contrast, American youths, especially the well educated and widely traveled, arebeset by value choices which complicate the quest for identityand prolong socialization. Thus temporary or permanent aliénation is a very serious problem for adolescents who are either leftwithout adéquate adult guidance or exposed to différent andconflicting value Systems. The normal course of socialization isfurther complicated for those who are sensitive to discrimi-natory or expediential application of salient values in their ownsociety. American youths are deeply influenced by the fact thatmany of their elders seem uncertain of the relevance of certaintraditional values. This situation explains in part why youths areactually free to try new values, why they hâve been able to pushbeyond old limits of rebellious behavior— in sex, in freedom toroam, and in associations.Paradoxically, the rébellion of American youth is not the rébellion of the free spirit determined to remain free but therébellion of the social spirit whose vision of the good life isshattered by the manifest violations of the ideals of the society.The inclination to rebel is exacerbated by familiarity with othersocieties whose values appear to be more conducive to the goodlife than those of his native society. Thus the apparent demandfor freedom is actually the search for a stimulating and productive place in a society which is secure in its values.The alienated youth sometimes tries to construct a set of personal values whose application may or may not fit conditions inthe society around him. If they do fit, his rébellion will subside,and the socialization process will proceed satisfactorily. If thechosen values cannot readily be implemented, he may be perma-nently alienated and perennially a rebel. It is the latter class ofindividuals who are the potential revolutionaries in any society.They hâve tested and discarded prevailing values and adoptedones which satisfy a personal sensé of justice and morality.Unorganized, they are misfits. Vocal and ambitious, they arerejected. Organized, they are revolutionaries who threaten thesociety.The great majority of American youths do not expériencesevere problems of aliénation. Political, social, and économie14values are reiterated and re-enforced in the family (especiallyamong the working and middle classes) , the educational System,and religious and governmental institutions. As fluid as thèsevalues seem in the présent day, there is a repetitious consistencyin their rhetorical assertion by political and industrial leaders,educators, and parents. Moreover, the majority of youth émergefrom the educational System with no more than a sketchy knowl-edge of other cultures, and most collège youths attend an institution within a few hundred miles of home. Yet the more theylearn about the problems and the contradictions in society, themore likely they are to be disturbed by discontinuities betweenvalues taught and values practiced.Youth activism during the i96o's was provoked by unre-solved issues of war, racism, poverty, as well as the emergingissue of environmental contamination. To the extent the de-mands of the activist movement were articulated, they couldbe summarized as follows: that the wealth of the nation bebrought to bear on social and environmental problems, as amatter of priority over luxury consumption, profiteering, andwar; and that our political ingenuity be applied to feducinginternational tensions, as a matter of priority over power rela- .tionships, économie exploitation, and ideological compétition.The activists also demanded the ascendency of collatéral rela-tionships over hierarchical ones; in the current idiom, partici-patory democracy over institutionalized authoritarianism.The Beginning of ProtestThe youth protest movement began in the late 1950's as a reaction against violations of revered values of the society. In 1959at Berkeley, a campus political party called SLATE challengedrestrictions of freedom of speech and campaigned for studentparticipation in off-campus political activity; in i960 blackstudents staged sit-ins in the South at segregated dime-storelunch counters and northern students supported them in boycotts of national retail chains; the sit-ins led to the organizationof the Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee (sncc).Démonstrations in the San Francisco Bay Area against hearingsof the House Un- American Activities Committee followed in1961; then came protests against the nuclear arms race, nucleartesting, and civil défense. The Washington Peace March of 1963protested United States military action in Vietnam. The Students for a Démocratie Society (SDS), organized in 1962, whileambitious for broad political realignment and social change,f ocused on national and international policies that were viewedas contradictory to basic démocratie values. The youth protest movement until 1964 was essentiallyoptimistic in outlook. The Kennedy Administration appeared tobe seeking social and cultural progress both in the nation andin the world. The nuclear test-ban treaty was signed in 1963.Then, the assassination of Président John F. Kennedy in November of that year shook the nation and brought Lyndon BainesJohnson to the Presidency. Except for Vietnam, the JohnsonAdministration might hâve been judged by youthful activists asthe most productive one since that of Franklin Delano Roosè-velt in the 1930's. In 1965 Congress responded to the strugglesand tragédies of civil-rights activities by passing the first effective voting rights act in U. S. history.Social programs of great promise were begun under Johnson'sskillful législative leadership: the War on Poverty; Medicare;the Model Cities Program; comprehensive community healthplanning and many others. Kennedy and Johnson attracted someof the best talent in the nation to serve in Washington. Thisleadership and the principles and programs for which it stoodgavé young dissidents hope for change. But after 1965, it becameapparent that Vietnam would take precedence on the nationalagenda. Gradually the youth movement turned bitter and in-creasingly aggressive. Vietnam in the last half of the sixties became the préoccupation of youth protest, for the war was seento be a moral disaster, intractable, haunting, inescapable. Youthswitnessed grave moral transgressions in the war (My Lai wasonly one dramatic example) ; they also witnessed the ineffectiveflailings of a brilliantly directed war machine and the diplomatiefailure of a Président whose greatest talent was the art of persuasion and compromise. They saw the stagnation of fédéralprograms aimed at eliminating poverty, hunger, and humandégradation still at large in the nation. They saw that failure inVietnam guaranteed failure at home.They drew inspiration for a time from the presidential cam-paign of Senator Eugène McCarthy, which for them was a pil-grimage to a renewed idéal in American politics. They felt adeep sensé of rejection when the Senator lost and abruptlyabandoned the crusade. Disillusioned youthful activists scatteredto the New Left, to the radicalized factions of the SDS, and tonowhere. Some sought escape among the "street people" and thehippies, in drugs, in political and personal oblivion.From the standpoint of the activists, the Vietnam war servedas a concrète précipitant to the protest movement— giving itform, substance, and direction. The war not only dramatizedthe dysfunctional character of the old achievement ethic in ahoped for humanitarian world of the future, it also demon-15strated the inability of the governing génération (with ail itsawesome technical compétence ) to recast societal priorities. Ashopes raised by the Kennedy and Johnson administrationsfaded, both leaders were seen in retrospect as men guided by oldand outmoded values.Opposition to the war turned idealistic young men to civildisobedience as draft resisters and as violators of universityrôles and local ordinances against certain f orms of protest ( suchas unscheduled marches or efforts to block passage of trooptrains). On university campuses, as the movement shifted toaggressive tactics, countermeasures by authorities became harshand occasionally brutal.Berkeley erupted in 1964. Other universities followed suit:Columbia and San Francisco State Collège in 1968; Chicagoand Harvard in 1969; then Buffalo early in 1970— ail complexstructures which had seemed to nourish the ideals of Ithe nationbut whose essence, when challenged, was as authoritarian asother institutions.At Berkeley students demanded the right to speak out oncampus against the university, the government, the Vietnamwar, without interférence from university or local authorities.The Berkeley Free Speech Movement ushered in an era of student protest which caught on at other campuses like a slow-burning fuse. The Columbia disaster in the spring of 1968 gavemomentum to other campus protests across the country.At Columbia, as at Berkeley, student rebels found a rigidstructure behind a façade of académie liberalism— a structurewhich some believed was wrongly serving the requirements ofthe industrial and défense establishment, space technology, andconservative government programming in areas of social andéconomie problems. The disturbances at Columbia, which com-bined student insurrection and police brutality, grew out of protests against university plans to build a new athletic facility onUniversity property adjacent to the ghetto neighborhood whichsurrounds the campus. There were other issues— the University 'sconnection with the Institute for Défense Analysis and the de-mand for new black faculty and more black students— but theoverriding one was the insensitivity and unresponsiveness of theuniversity administration. Before matters were brought undercontrol the Columbia épisode radicalized a large number of students. The sds group was credited with precipitating the confrontation, but the radical leadership required a balky administration as a foil.At San Francisco State Collège, a prolonged period of turmoilin 1968 and 1969 culminating in a séries of student and faculty"strikes" and clashes with police stemmed from a failure of two successive présidents— Dr. John Summerskill and Dr. Robert R.Smith— to negotiate a settlement of demands by militant blackstudents to hâve an autonomous Black Student Union and ablack studies curriculum directed by black faculty and students.Both présidents, who had sympathized with the demands, re-signed when they were unable on the one hand to get the militants to modify demands and on the other to persuade the StateCollège Board of Trustées to recognize the legitimacy of someof the demands.A confrontation occurred when the Trustées voted the suspension of a black English instructor who allegedly had urgedblack students to bring weapons to campus as protection against"the oppressor." The instructor, George Mason Murray, was aBlack Panther leader. When Président Smith, who had suCtceeded Dr. Summerskill the previous June, refused, ChancellorGlenn S. Dumke, head of the state collège System, ordered thesuspension.Shortly thereafter the faculty of the Collège voted in protestto hait classes. Président Smith resigned and a member of thefaculty, Dr. Samuel I. Hayakawa, was named acting président.Hayakawa was also sympathetic to the black student demands,but he was determined to stop the démonstrations. He orderedclasses to résume and ruled that faculty who absented themselves for more than five days were to be considered as havingresigned. He also called police to the campus to enforce order.Following thèse moves to end the strike, Hayakawa offered concessions to the black student leaders including implementationof a black studies prograrn under the direction of a black facultymember. However, he declined to grant amnesty to studentssuspended for strike activities and he insisted that police remainon campus to maintain order. He promised that Murray wouldhâve due process in disciplinary proceedings but refused togrant him amnesty.The issues at San Francisco State were never wholly resolved.A Black Student Unipn and a black studies prograrn were estab-lished, but no more autonomous than any other collège depart-ment. Black faculty members and "educationally deprived"students were admitted in greater proportions than before theprotest. But Hayakawa remained a "hard-line" président againstdisruptive démonstrations, never hesitating to summon thepolice to quell any potential disorder; and he became a symbolfor those who believed campus protests should be strictly andharshly curbed.The protest épisode at the University of Chicago in 1969centered on an administrative décision not to re-hire an assistantprof essor whose political views were popular among radical stu-16dents. Protesters also demanded an equal, voice with faculty inail hiring and firing of instructional staff. The University ofChicago's wary administration, whose offices were occupied,simply waited-out protesters for sixteen days, and then pro-ceeded with disciplinary action against each demonstrator withpenalties ranging from probation or temporary suspension todismissal.The crisis at Harvard in April of 1969, was precipitated whenCambridge ^police were called on campus to deal with studentactivists led by the SDS who had seized an administration building, roughed-up a dean, and ousted staff members. The ostensible issues included abolition of the ROTC and an end to University intrusion in the surrounding community.Seizure of the administration building was led by the radicalfaction of the SDS (whose seizure proposai had been voted downby the modérâtes in an earlier SDS chapter meeting). It was amaneuver designed to radicalize modérâtes by "exposing" the"reactionary" character of Harvard's administration. Had thebuilding been occupied peaceably on a weekend or out of work-ing hours, the police might never hâve been called and the actionwould hâve remained focused on ROTC arid other substantivematters. The radical students would hâve run the risk of a fizzle,.as occurred at the University of Chicago.Because of the low radicalizing potency of the substantiveissues, a police-brutality issue seemed essential to broaden thesupport for radical leaders. Pushing deans out of the building,rifling files, and distributing copies of confidential administrative records were sufficient actions to provoke a police confrontation. The local police played their rôle well in accordance witha brilliantly arranged scénario. Once the police hit the campusand dragged a few students from the building, hundreds offaculty members and students responded to protest the policeaction.A few weeks before the Harvard crisis activist students atthe University of Buffalo presented a list of demands for radicalchanges in university governance and policy. Président MartinMeyerson, who had been acting chancellor at Berkeley duringthe 1964 disturbance, responded with a set of counterdemands.A week-long teach-in produced 120 spécifie proposais from de-partments, ad hoc groups, and individuals. When a month later175 students seized the university administration building,Meyerson talked with the group for several hours. Unable topersuade the occupiers to leave the building, he obtained a courtorder directing each student to show cause why he should stayin the building. The students left without further incident.Meyerson kept the smoldering conflict under control until he resigned in February of 1970 to become président of the University of Pennsylvania. Within weeks the situation escalatedat Buffalo. The issues were familiar ones: ROTC, défense con-tracts, académie reform, and urban aid. The radical-led actionincluded minor arson, vandalism in buildings, and an assaulton unarmed campus police. City police were called onto campussporadically. In one bloody battle, faculty members and studentswho had not previously been involved stepped in against thepolice.In the Buffalo épisode Meyerson parried for a time the thrustsof inexperienced campus radicals and minimized conflict amongfactions in the university that were polarizing. Subsequently anintérim and less skillful administration, uncertain of its author-ity and far less adept at the game of jousting with determinedradicals, was easily provoked to police action.While Columbia, Chicago, and Harvard were embroiled inconfrontations, the conflicts at Berkeley surfaced again. Radicalactivities after 1964 probably helped elect Ronald Reagan asGovernor of California, and in time the new chief executivegained control of the Board of Régents who govern the severalcampuses of the University of California. A hard line on the partof the Governor induced widespread sympathy of students andfaculty for the radical. Mutual antagonism produced a prolongedescalation and polarization of the conflict.By 1968 and 1969 Berkeley became a major center (andtraining grpund) of radical activists. Pitched battles becamecommon between the police and a constellation of students, radicals, street people, and a miscellany of sympathizers. The présence in nearby Oakland of the national headquarters of theBlack Panther Party and its violent skirmishes with the policeadded a further radical dimension to the scène. Those whitestudents whose participation in radical politics stemmed fromguilt feelings— about their personal afiiuence (in contrast topoverty around them) ; the Vietnam war (and their exemptionfrom it) ; and their disillusionment with a consumer society (inwhich they ail had some share)^found in police-Panther conflicts a stark form of racism in which many feared they had ashare of the responsibility.The radicalization of the SDS during the 1960's is a dramaticexample of youthful dedication to constructive change that became discouraged and disillusioned in one encounter after another over government policies of military victory in SoutheastAsia, gradualism in minority civil rights, opportunism in poverty programs, and law-and-order over justice in response toprotest. The SDS in 1962 started with no spécifie ideology andfor several years was a constructive force with the Student Non-17Violent Coordinating Committee in civil-rights activism in theSouth. After a time, however, SDS leaders who saw for themselves the conséquences of racism, militarism, économie exploitation, and hunger, moved steadily left.The Vietnam war was the principal nurturing issue onceSNCC "went black" and nudged out white youth. A stubbornwar carried forward by leaders who believed they could win; acorporate society which supported the war and benefited fromit (except in the tragic loss of young men) ; the eager participation of universities in défense research, were the targets of themovement. As youth groups failed in their effort to end the war(though they^ won skirmishes in the universities and evenhelped topple a Président) the SDS movement was increasinglyalienated from the society it meant first to reform.As frustrations increased, the commitment to revolutionaryideals deepened until in 1969 factionalism within SDS wasprimarily grounded in conflict over means, not ends. The rhe-toric of révolution and identification with the universal goalsof revolutionaries were taken for granted. In 1969, however,SDS split into three factions: the PLP Worker-Socialist Alliance;the Revolutionary Youth Movement ( rym il ) , and the Weath-erman group (formerly rym i) .Members of Weathermen, a group ôrganized for guerrillatactics and insurrection, are radicalized nihilistic revolutionariesbent on destruction. The Weatherman faction gained controlof the national SDS organization at the crucial Chicago Convention in June, 1969. In September they sought, in at least twocities (Détroit and Pittsburgh), to recruit lower-class whitehigh school students for "the New Red Army."In October, 1969, in Chicago they sponsored the so-called"Days of Rage" which drew about four hundred youths wearingcrash helmets and carrying long night sticks. In four days ofdestructive rampaging 150 were arrested, three were shot (butsurvived), and many more were injured. The four-day ragemarked the first time in the anti-war movement that a protestgroup openly committed planned acts of violence. In January,1970, twelve Weatherman leaders were indicted for complicityin the épisode.Response to ProtestBy the end of the 1960's, most university administratoirs wereresponding to demands for change. Innovations in curricula andcourse requirements, especially at the graduate level, were de-signed to permit the pursuit of individual intellectual interests. Students were added to faculty committees and to some university governing boards. Spécial arrangement^ were made in manyschools to accommodate minimally-qualified minority students.Traditional collège entrance tests were under fire and droppedby some schools as mandatory for application.Yet for many youth who had been caught up in the radicalmovement, such concessions came too late. Turning back froman extremely radical commitment is psychologically and politically a more difficult step than conversion to the commitment.Moreover, the process of radicalization is a self-fueling one inthat provocative violence usually evokes a répressive and some-times violent response which re-enforces the radical's justification of his objectives. A radical commitment to violent confrontation borders on révolution; and from the standpoint ofthe revolutionary, the cause is the révolution itself. Once thegoal of radical action is révolution, the issues around which themovement coalesced become instruments in building the movement, not matters to negotiate. Thus, officiais who try to enterinto issue-oriented discussions with revolutionaries face a hope-less task. The test of a true revolutionary is his unwillingness toenter into serious negotiation.• Lacking the influence and patience to work at a change withinexisting political structures, the radicalized faction of the youthmovement is formulating an ideology and mode of politicalprganization which reflect the emerging concepts of a futuresocial order. From their standpoint, a compromise with the oldorder is improbable, for no such compromise in the past hasseemed to survive expediency, Thus, the political rnood of radical youth has moved inexorably toward a revolutionary commitment— less inclined to compromise, less inclined to seek leadership in the old structures, less inclined to settle for limitedchange. The closer to a revolutionary commitment the movement cornes, the fewer the numbers of activist youth it carrieswith it.As the Vietnam war dragged on and a reactionary nationalleadership came into power in 196B to make a pretense of peace-seeking and a mockery of civil rights, the radicalization of university students grew apace. It can be said with reasonableaccuracy that in 1965 less than 10 percent of students wereactivists and less than 1 percent, revolutionaries; by 1969 amajority at many schools held activist attitudes, and 10 to 20percent held views that were revolutionary in spirit.A random survey of undergraduate students at the Universityof Pittsburgh in 1969 revealed activist and revolutionary attitudes in startling proportions. Two-thirds agreed that the only18way a minority can make its needs known is to "raise enoughfuss to attract attention." Two-thirds agreed that "violence issometimes a necessary tool for social reform." Forty-three percent agreed that if enough students put pressure on the administration, the officiais would hâve to "do what we say." Thirty-seven percent felt that the university 's bureaucracy was socomplex that aggressive action was the only way to get anyoneto listen to student demands. Twenty percent believed the onlyway to imprpve éducation at the university was to "change thewhole basic System." Fifteen percent felt that the only way toget bénéficiai change was to change the whole System.The views of students at the University of Pittsburgh werenot necessarily représentative of students in other schools, butthey were représentative of the views of students at a large urbànuniversity with no tradition of overt campus activism. By réputation, the University of Pittsburgh is a fairly conservativeinstitution, whose académie standards respond to the educa-tional requirements of college-bound students in the urbanrégion it serves.In May, 1970, after a period of relative calm induced in partby periodic American troop withdrawals from Vietnam— the"Vietnamization" of the war— Président Nixon announced hisdécision to send American forces into Cambodia, an action thatset off a new séries of campus anti-war démonstrations. Theprotest at Kent State University in Ohio became the focal pointof attention, indeed a rallying symbol, when National Guards-men requested by Mayor Leroy Satrom and sent in by GovernorJames Rhodes to quell disruptive student action fired upondemonstrators on Monday, May 4, 1970, killing four studentsand wounding eleven others. In shock-wave effect anti-war strikeactions occurred on campuses across the nation. Within a fewdays nearly two hundred collèges and universities were closedin spontaneous reaction to both the Cambodian décision andthe killings at Kent State.The Président 's décision to send American troops into Cambodia was seen by youth— and by much of the nation— as abetrayal of a commitment to end the war in Southeast Asia.Literally thousands of students of ail political views were pro-voked to radical action.No one yet knows, nor can accurately estimate, the revolutionary potential of the youth movement in America; however,several points are clear. There had developed a broader baseof activist and revolutionary sentiment among collège youththan was generally supposed by the political leadership o£ thenation. The issues that concerned youth were more fondamental and better focùsed than was generally recognized.Change is in the air. Most of us want peace, économie stability, better educational and cultural opportunities, an end topoverty and social unrest, and solutions to environmental problems. What is not agreed upon is the pace of change, whichaffects the cost of solving problems. On controversial issues, theyoung, the blacks, and a substantial portion of educated adultssupport constructive change; the elderly, the blue-collar work-ers, and the less educated tend to resist change.In 1970 the résistant group was approximately 55 percent ofthe population, almost équivalent to the combined vote forRichard Nixon and George Wallace in 1968. Though therewere indications of a shift in the balance in favor of blacks,youths, and those who are collège educated, the transitionalperiod o£the 1970's is likely to be marred by numerous violentclashes between demonstrators pressing for radical reforms ingovernmental policies and counter-demonstrators who fear andresist radical change. The construction workers who demon-strated against anti-war protesters in New York City in May,1970, presaged spontaneous counter measures by conservatives,reactionaries, and self-styled patriots whose marginal personalsecurity dépends on a stable national economy and a tight labormarket.The économie power of union labor is such that inflation inthe economy is less of a threat than recession and high rates ofunemployment. Thus, a booming war economy is préférable toa sluggish peace economy against which union labor is not yetwell protected. Additionally, workers feel the potential compétition of blacks and other minority groups who covet union mem-bership and the channel it provides to skilled jobs and économiesecurity. Labor unions are still the most discriminatory ofAmerican institutions.The support that some labor unions hâve given to anti-wardémonstrations reflects more the libéral tradition of union leadership than the sentiment of the rank-and-file member whosepersonal life is one of hard work and marginal earnings, inrelation to the amenities he can acquire on crédit. Most American workers— union or not— are living close to the margin oftheir financial capacity. The illusion of security, fostered by theprosperity of the 1960's, is occasionally punctuated by remindersthat any threat to national stability is a threat to the individualin precarious circumstances. Many professional and non-pro-fessional white collar workers in career jobs share the conservative sentiments of the blue-collar workers, since, in fact, bothgroups are in similar économie circumstances. Thus, the NewlaYork construction workers who demonstrated against anti-warprotesters in New York City in May, 1970, were joined bysome Wall Street office workers.The New York City construction workers' démonstrations,which occurred spasmodically throughout the month, began onMay 8, 1970 (four days after Kent State) when workers brokeup a student anti-war démonstration on Wall Street and injuredsixty to seventy people with fists and clubs. Their targets wereany long-haired youths in sight, the Mayor, and any symbolsassociât ed with the anti-war movement. They invaded City Hallto raise the American flag badc to full mast from its half-mastposition in honor of the dead Kent State students. One worker(quoted in the Christian Science Monitor) said, "We built thiscity with our hands. We put our sweat and blood into buildingthis city. Now thèse punks want to bring it ail down with bombsand riots. They ain't American. Send cm to Russia! This is ourcity and our country. We built it."Thèse sentiments were an accumulation of reaction to thecampus disturbances and probably to the fear generated by therécent wave of bombings and bomb threats in New York. Thecounter-demonstrators saw the student demonstrators on WallStreet as the personification of an image they had garnered fromnews accounts of campus "riots." As another worker said, "Thèsekids are ail spoiled babies. They got plenty of money and achance for an éducation and they burn down the campus. Nokid of mine would get away with it, and thèse kids won'teither." The Wall Street démonstrations turned into the chanceto take punitive action: a student who was knocked around andbruised said, "I signaled the V-sign and they attacked me.They're animais..."The issues on which political conflict in the 1970's is likelyto focus are: racial intégration, ecological and environmentalproblems, new arrangements in federal-local relations, the élimination of économie poverty, population control, United Statesleadership in world affairs, disarmament, the Bomb. The speedand appropriateness with which thèse issues are managed willdétermine the extent of continued protest and unrest amongyouth. Repression of revolutionary radicalism and "pretense"solutions to the more salient of thèse issues is already causingcynicism, disgust and apathy among increasing numbers ofactivist students.Problems of environmental pollution hâve recently capturedthe interest of youths who hâve little taste for political révolution. Environmental issues— air and water pollution, noise, traffic—could be the common ground to channel student activism, re duce the level of rébellion, and prevent widespread radicalization of youth. The effectiveness and follow-throùgh of nationalleadership in this area may be décisive. There is, however, fearamong black groups and among anti-war militants that ecblogyis a diversionary issue— one that could be used by whites ( con-sciously and unconsciously) to dilute and delay fulfillment ofblack goals, and one that could be used by a strike-weary peopleto forget about the war in Southeast Asia.The lessohs of the last décade hâve been hard ones for thegoverning génération to absorb. Yet a décade of rioting and protest wrought changes that could not hâve corne about in thenormal course of policy -making within the System. Ghetto riotsawakened the nation to the conditions and conséquences ofracism apartheid. The Kerner Commission on Civil Disorders(1968) was widely influential in new policies and programsdesigned to alleviate conditions in black communities and con-tributed immeasurably to the quality and depth of public andprivate discussion and understanding of minority problems.The main issues behind the turmoil of the 1960's hâve notbeen resolved. Although more ghetto résidents are voting ândblack candidates are being elected, conditions in ghetto communities hâve not been substantially improved. Moreover, therelative économie deprivation of blacks, as measured by theprogress of whites, has not diminished; and résistance to schoolintégration, especially in the South, is still strong.On the national and international scène, the Vietnam War isnot concluded. Although Président Nixon initiated in 1969 aphased withdrawal of combat troops to reduce American military involvement he began new military actions in 1970 in Cam-bodia, and in 197 1 in Laos. The "Vietnamization" of the war hasonly temporarily relieved political and public pressures duringthe wait-and-see period. But the shift to a lottery draft last yearrelieved uncertainty for a very large proportion of draft-ageyoung men— ail of those who drew a number in the "safe range"beyond probable call and ail of those who drew numbers withinthe range of probable call. Also substantive campus issues hâvebeen minimized as many universities curtailed research in défense contracts, ROTC académie crédit, established black studiesprograms, and increased student participation in universitygpvernance.When the Cambodian décision and the Kent State tragedy ledto the 1970 anti-war campus démonstrations, administratorsand faculty were generally sympathetic. Many schools permittedstudents to vote on strike action and to work out arrangementsfor completing course work after the strike. Some schools closed20down "indefinitely"; and others, for specified periods. In a concurrent action, thirty-six collège présidents petitioned PrésidentNixon to bring an end to the Vietnam War; eight othersbrought their views directly to the Président. A group of Harvard professors who had been high level advisors in the government announced their break with Administration policies onSoutheast Asia.Thus, many university and school officiais hâve learned not tocondemn acts of youth pro test in author itative self -défense butto deal directly with the legitimate issues in which the protest isgrounded. Most administrators are able to distinguish the revolutionary from the legitimate protestor who seeks justifiablechange. In fact, those who seek constructive change within theSystem for the common good are prédominant in youth protest.The turbulence of the last décade has been a direct conséquence of ambivalence and uncertainty in national policy.Powerful reactionary forces within the fédéral government werenot able to prevent the enactment of national civil-rights législation but were able to prevent its prompt and consistent enforce-ment throughout the nation. The sum of the political forces inthé nation around the issues of racial equality and constitutionalstandards of justice added up to no clear victory for anyone—except that avoidance of final defeat was in itself a victory forthe anti-constitutionalists.Nearly every génération of American political leaders has hadto confront the choice of an enduring national Constitutionversus the expedience of building or maintaining a temporarypolitical power base. History shows that our greatest crises hâveoccurred over struggles to set aside, postpone, or subvert portions of that Constitution. The ugliest épisodes are those inwhich we hâve publicly and privately promoted or condoned adéniai of equality under the law, because in perpetuating suchevil we violate freely chosen and deeply held national values.The struggle at the national level over constitutional-versus-sectional values has produced simultaneous and conflicting reactions of hope and frustration within the constituencies of theconstitutionalists. The angry outbursts which spread across theland in a rising crescendo of protest during the sixties playedinto the hands of the anti-constitutionalists who responded withintonations of "law and order."Responding to this widespread reaction the Nixon Administration has tried hard to consolidate the conservative forces inthe country within the Republican Party. The riots and protestsof the sixties, crime, and school intégration hâve ail been issuesin the service of that objective. Predictably they hâve stirred the ignorant, the apathetic, and the comfortable to demand of government extraordinary policies of résistance and repression.Playing on the fears of such constituents, the Nixon Administration has promised law and order, a war on street crime, andmodération in programs of school intégration. Ever mindful ofminority popular vote and a near tie in the Electoral Collège inthe 1968 élection, the Président has been persuaded to considerin practical political terms how far he must go to retain andbroaden a base among conservative voters.Early in his first term it was clear that the Président was pre-pared to go very far indeed. His Attorney General, John N.Mitchell, a conservative on social and civil rights issues, led theAdministration to reduce fédéral pressures on school intégrationin the South, backed the infamous Whitten amendments, pro-posed préventive détention as an instrument to discourage re-cidivism in crime, supported attempts to include damagingrevisions in the expiring Voting Rights Act of 1965, beratedparticipants in peace démonstrations for violent behavior wherehardly any violence occurred, and brought to trial Chicagoleaders of the démonstration at the 1968 Démocratie NationalConvention in spite of an earlier finding that grounds for indict-ment under the anti-riot provisions of the 1968 Civil Rights Actwere insufficient.Thèse are the issues of utmost concern to conservative andreactionary éléments in the nation, and Président Nixon hasestablished a hard-line record on ail of them. Near the end of hisfirst year in office he coined the phrase "the silent majority" todescribe a constituency he believed supported the Nixon-Mitchell position on civil rights, protest, and crime. He has dealtwith the growing opposition to the Vietnam War by troop with-drawals and a plan for "Vietnamization" of combat forces. Hehas Consolidated gains among conservatives by nominating insuccession two Southern conservatives to the Suprême Court.Although both nominees— Judge Clément Haynsworth andJudge G. Harrold Carswell— were rejected by the U. S Senate,the "political image Président Nixon wished to project in theSouth and among his "silent majority" constituency has beenpreserved and no doubt strengthened.In the spring of 1970 the Nixon Administration began to stepup surveillance of radical groups and individuals in response toa wave of bombings, bomb scares, court room disruptions, and arising fear of revolutionary terrorism in the country. The bombings of three large office buildings in New York City on March12, 1970, were evidently the work of terrorists who fanciedthemselves revolutionaries. Subséquent bomb threats swept21across the nation in the months that followed, occasionally coin-ciding with rires and explosions of undetermined origin.Courtroom disruptions in the period were typified by the"Chicago Seven" trial whose défendants were charged with in-citing to riot during the 1968 Démocratie National Convention.One of the défendants, Black Panther chairman Bobby Seale,was actually bound and gagged by order of the presiding judgefor persistent disruption of court proceedings. In another instance, disruptions occurred at pre-trial hearings of twenty-oneBlack Panthers in New York City.The Administrations response to the whole gamut of protestactivities, both non- violent and violent, was to improve and ex-pand the domestic intelligence apparatus which had been usedfor three décades to monitor groups and individuals suspectedof subversive activities. The apparatus included an intricate System of informers, undercover agents, and wiretaps; and untilCongressional objection in 1970, the United States Army hadmaintained computerized files on individuals who participatedin protest activities.The répressive stance of the Nixon Administration encour-aged local and state law-enforcement agencies to crack downindiscriminately on activists and radicals. In the atmosphère offear, activists were further radicalized, and some radicalsdropped out of the movement or went underground to formterrorist groups.The New AmbivalenceThe Cambodian décision and the Kent State incident abruptlyreactivated anti-war dissent. Activists and radicals now hadévidence to back up their asserted distrust of the Président.The deaths at Kent State, perhaps more than the Cambodiandécision, created widespread sympathy among modérâtes forthe position of the radicals. What the radicals had been sayingail along about police brutality and repression was suddenlydramatized.The incident seemed to precipitate a new stage in the youthactivist and anti-war movements, and I so concluded in the lastpages of my book, The Prospects for Révolution, then beingreadied for publication. I guessed wrongly. The Président kepthis promise to end the Cambodian ground action by June 30.Students were away for the summer then, and by f ail the momen-tary fervor had died away except among the most dedicatedanti-war radicals. Many students went home intending to take an active part inCongressional campaigns, but when they arrived they foundunenthusiastic réception, especially among libéral anti-war candidates who faced tight races. Many candidates feared the présence of student volunteers would put off voters shaken by therécent spate of campus disturbances. One such candidate in Massachusetts who was trying to oust a twenty-six-year_veteran tolda group of prospective volunteers including several young people who had recently been involved in campus strike activities,"111 take ail the help I can get, but please keep [the studentradicals] out of sight stuffing envelopes." This candidate won,but none of the youngsters who were présent at the meetingjoined the campaign. Not many students returned to help inCongressional campaigns during the spécial October intérimperiod which many collèges had arranged in spécifie response tostudents' demands in May.The quiet that descended on collège campuses in the fall of1970 reflected the deep frustration and despair of youth whowere frightened by Kent State; deprived of the leadership of thecrumbling SDS; disillusioned by political leaders of the govern-ing génération; discouraged from activism by parents who werealso frightened by Kent State; and forced to a wait-and-see attitude on Nixon's war policy.The deaths at Kent State had the immédiate effect of settingoff strike activities on campuses across the country. But in thesober aftermath of the summer many youths confronted parentswho were prepared to take any measure to discourage their further involvement in political activism. One young man I knowwho, following Kent State, was a strike leader in a large mid-western university, faced a father back home who told the boythat his job in a défense related industry was in jeopardy because of his sons strike activities. This student returned tocampus last fall but dropped out after a semester, unable toreconcile with his désire to accommodate the parental injunc-tions, his activist inclinations. Most young people seek parentalapproval, even during acute stages of rébellion. Such parentalconfrontations as many students experienced during the summerof 1970 were a major factor in the retreat from activism intoapathy. Loss of support of modérâtes to the President's deescala-tion and Vietnamization policies had a reinforcing effect. Indeedthe great majority of students are modérâtes in action, if not inattitude. Many readily accepted parental injunctions or adviceagainst further activist involvement.On balance, it now seems apparent that contemporary protest22activities will not develop into large-scale revolutionary activism. A décade of unrest and upheaval has produced— with notable exceptions— an attitude of restraint toward civil protestboth in the streets and on most campuses. Ghetto riots subsidedpartly because local police learned how to avoid or contain vio-lence-producing incidents. Campus disturbances declined, ex-cept for the flurry over Cambodia, partially because universityadministrators learned to hear protest issues, diff erentiate amongthem, and negotiate solutions with due respect for non-revolu-tionary activists.Moreover, one is compelled to conçlude that Président Nixonhas correctly assessed the acquiescense of the American people,activist (though not radical) youth included, in aerial and navalsupport of foreign ground troops. What set Americans againstthe Vietnam war was not the loss of Vietnamese lives, even thoseresulting from atrocities committed by American soldiers, ratherthe widening opposition to the war is based ùpon our inabilityto "win" and, the great cost in American lives and dollars. Moreover, the majority of Americans seemed to hâve lost sight of thepossible conséquences of the loss of Southeast Asia in terms ofinternational power relationships.Président Nixon must résolve the Vietnam issue to win a second term. He cannot expand or intensify the ground war withsubstantial numbers of American ground troops because themajority of Americans no longer believe the war can be won bythat course. He cannot stop the war and keep troops in Vietnambecause the opposing forces in Vietnam will not permit thatsolution. He cannot pull out of Vietnam because that coursewould drastically shif t the international balance of power in thatrégion. Political forces now depending on American supportwould capitulate, be neutralized, or destroyed by the opposition.Président Nixon is no doubt far less concerned about winninga second term than he is in gaining an honorable place in his-tory. From his standpoint, the loss of Vietnam and SoutheastAsia risks the condemnation of historians. The loss of China inthe late forties had its east of diplomatie scapegoats; the presi-dencies of Roosevelt and Truman were practically immunedfrom blâme. But the President's personal rôle in directing thecourse of the Vietnam war makes this incumbent wholly re-spotisible for the outeome. Thus, one is forced to conçlude thatPrésident Nixon (or whoever succeeds him) is not likely toabandon Southeast Asia but will find politically acceptablemeans of continuing the war— at the minimum aerial, land basedand naval bombardment; at troop levels sufficient to be a déter rent force; and a military and political advisory group to assistfriendly governments in the area.The majority of Americans will accept a cautious deescalationof the Vietnam war, even if the intensity is not decreased (whichis not likely) , so long as Vietnam troops are carrying the burdenof the fighting. This "solution," which is Président Nixon's central policy, does not satisfy young activists, peace groups, or theanti-war radicals. But it does effëctively soothe the modérâtesand the hawks who would like to end the war without runningthe risks of further vulnerability.I hâve dwelt at length on the President's strategy for dealingwith the war because this is the one issue among the several weface that could spark more unrest among youth. Managed alongUnes the Président is pursuing, the nation is more likely to become aecustomed to the continued conflict than to rise in rébellion against it. The response of young activists to this policy hasalready begun to set in— the frustrated apathy which breedspolitical cynicism. Since no presidential candidate who promisesan unconditional end to the Vietnam war is likely to be nomi-nated by one of the major parties, young activists may simplyshun national poli tics in 1972, or dissipate their énergies onsplinter party candidates^The campus is a social milieu powerfully capable of breedingpolitical movements. But the issues around which a movementcan crystalize in the American society are hard to corne by andeven harder to sustain. The Vietnam war has been one suchissue, until the policy of deescalation and Vietnamization.Aside from the war, the other issues— racism, poverty, environmental pollution— are difficult to dramatize even thoughthey are serious problems. Moreover, there is considérable évidence available to governmental leaders of progress in each ofthèse areas. Even a conservative Administration concèdes theneed for further progress though its policies may emphasizegradualism in implementation.Kenneth Clark, the eminent Negro psychologist, observednot long ago that apathy may be a more dangerous condition ina démocratie society than social unrest. Frequently in the pastunrest has brought about constructive change while apathy hasalways been the breeding ground of public corruption. At themoment the youth movement seems to be retreating into contemplation of the world as it ought to be instead of dealing withthe world as it is. Feeling powerless even as they émerge from aperiod of significant victories, their attitudes hâve turned de-featist.23THREE POEMSWHITE NOISE: JOHNHOLLANDER CROCHETED CURTAIN: JAMESMERRILL AND SO THEPRINCE OBSCUREDHIS CONTEMPLATION: RICHARD HOWARDWITH ILLUSTRATIONBY: VIRGIL BURNETTThèse three poems are taken from an illustratedportfolio designed by Robert Williams that also in-cludes poems by Daryl Hines and Carolyn Kizer.The illustrator, Virgil Burnett, is an associate pro-fessor of art and director of the Bergman Gallery inUC's Cobb Hall. "White Noise" was originallypublished in The New Yorker magazine. The complète portfolio may be purchased by writing toRobert Williams, 5449 South Woodlawn Avenue,Chicago, Illinois 60615.WHITE NOISEThe aspen leaves and those in the poplars turnTheir paler faces toward the rush of the soundTheir making light of the wind releases. BareIn her polished urn, the nymph of résonanceWhispers of breakers washing the afternoonSands, coppered by the declining sun; amongHer narrowing halls she shrinks from the deep callOf vowels. Sounding beside me falls the crash,Foamy and hoarse, of this shining surface, wideSheets turning under themselves to splash acrossMotionless limbs, hands fallen asleep in hair,Sighing almost in silence. Below the roarOf mingled breaths, yours ebbing against my ear,Mine rising about the caverns that encloseYour heart, corne tidal poundings that re-emergeFrom under thèse rustlings, this unsonorousRéminiscence of winds that hâve passed amongUs, and our inarticulate leaves and shores.John HollanderCROCHETEDCURTAINThe zany interplayOf thread and motive, oh,Twenty-fîve years ago,Left me drawn, left me gray,While a duenna notSo dense yet as to screenThe worlds I corne between.Both take note somewhat.That young man of the streetsMay if he please inferA demure glancing fireBehind my marguerites,And she indoors alone,Poor old soûl, confuseHis noble looks with viewsHooked into them by bone.James MerrillAND SO THE PRINCEOBSCURED HISCONTEMPLATION/To earn what you hâve hadempty your hands of itI write from their capital.I hâve pushed the desknear the window, listeningto lottery womencalling through the walls, criesof sailors at noonwhen the port is crowded.You cannot forgive painbut you can forget itThis morning I was tortured;tonight, perhaps, too.I can imagine the prayersoffered, even now,for my return; the ransomnot offered — not yet.The Cardinal will corne soon.Nothing is overwhat is done remainsThere are plans for my escape —our people are fools!How could a cripple followthèse roads, thèse ri vers?Even tie me on a horse —they would know of itbefore I reached the bridge.We travel to be therefor we are where we are notInvisible the countryI rule. I can beonly a servant, a beggarat the bolted door.I leave combat to my son,and to my fatherwho connived to send me hère.Illness has a purposeit is an attempt at cureThe bells of the steeples soundwithered, and watchfulas I am not to knock downany number of themwith this elbow of mine, this knee,if I breathe too fastthe city will be destroyed.We live because we dreamwe speak because we actwe know because we do not knowRichard HowardQuadrangle %(ewsElection of New TrustéesAnnounced by DonnelleyThe élection of five new members of the boardof trustées at the University of Chicago hasbeen announced by Gaylord" Donnelley, chair-man of the board. They are: Charles L. Brown,Lake Forest, 111., président of the Illinois BellTéléphone Company; Margaret Bell Cameron,Ann Arbor, Mich., daughter of Nathalie andLaird Bell, late chairman of the board; MarvinChandler, Glen Ellyn, 111., chairman of theexecutive committee of the board of directorsof the Northern Illinois Gas Company; W.Léonard Evans, Jr., Chicago, président andpublisher, Tuesday Publications, Inc., and HartPerry, New York, executive vice président-finance and a member of the board of directorsof the International Téléphone and TelegraphCorporation, and an alumnus of the University.Their élection brings the number of Universitytrustées to forty-fpur. Maximum membershipis forty-eight.It was announced at the same time that fourmembers of the board hâve been designatedlife trustées. They are: Dr. Lowell T. Cogge-shall, Foley, Alabama, vice président emeritusof the University of Chicago; Ferd Kramer,Chicago, président of Draper & Kramer, Inc.;Sydney Stein, Jr., Chicago, limited partner,Stein Roe & Farnham, and J. Howard Wood,Chicago, chairman of the executive committeeof the Tribune Company.Collège Math TeamCaptures Top HonorsA team of three undergraduate students rep-resenting the University of Chicago placed firstthis winter in an intercollegiate mathematicalcompétition.Competing for six hours against 1,441 students from 297 universities in the UnitedStates and Canada in the annual WilliamLowell Putnam Mathematical Compétitionwere:—Robert A. Oliver, of Kensington, Mary-land,—Robert B. Israël, of Winnipeg, Canada,and—Robert E. Tax, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. To the layman, it would seem to hâve beensomething of an ordeal, with students solvingsuch problems as "the length of the longestséquence of equal non-zero digits in which anintégral square can terminate in base ten, andfind the smallest square which terminâtes insuch a séquence." But not so to the UC mathteam. "It's not an extremely diflkult problem,"demurred Mr. Israël.Siobhan McKenna toPerform in OctoberOn Friday evening, October 22, the Women'sBoard of the University will sponsor the onlyChicago performance by that magnificent Irishactress, Siobhan McKenna, of her one-womanshow, Hère Are Ladies. Ticket informationis available by calling (312) 753-3035 orwriting the Women's Board, the University ofChicago, 5801 South Ellis Avenue, Room 301,Chicago, 111. 60637.Arnold Shure Chair inUrban Law EstablishedA professorship in urban law honoring ArnoldI. Shure (PhB'27, JD'29) has been establishedin the University's Law School. Shure, a prominent Chicago attorney, has for many years beenactive in urban welfare projects both locallyand on a national level.The $600,000 endowed professorship wascreated through a $300,000 matching grantfrom the Ford Foundation and a like amountcontributed by a large group of friends of theLaw School. It will strengthen the SchooFsresources for teaching and research in aspectsof law afïecting the government of urban areasand the control of the urban human and physi-cal environment.Shure has won a number of landmark décisions before the United States Suprême Courtbearing on the rights of investors and con-sumers. He has also worked with committeesof the Illinois Législature and United StatesCongress in developing and protecting investors' rights. During World War II he was active in a number of rescue relief committees.Before the war he organized and directed a major effort to save promising students fromNazi Germany by bringing them to the UnitedStates to complète their studies. Many of thèsestudents came to the University of Chicago,one of the sponsors of the project, and some aremembers of the faculty to the présent day.The first holder of the professorship will beAllison Dunham who has been, a member ofthe faculty since 1 95 1. He is a member of theNational Conférence of Commissioners onUniform State Laws which he served as executive director from 1 962-69, and is on thefaculty committee of the University's Centerfor Urban Studies. In addition to his work inurban law, he is an authority on probate andproperty law.Pick Hall for InternationalStudies Dedicated in JuneOn Monday, June 14, the Albert Pick Hall forInternational Studies was formally dedicated.It is a $2.5 million building on the south-west corner of 58th and University, immedi-ately adjacent to Walker Hall. It is a six-story,modem limestone building designed to complément its Gothic neighbors, and will housethe departments of political science and geo-graphy, the committees on international relations, Af rican studies, Slavic area studies, LatinAmerican studies, the committee for the comparative study of new nations, and the centersfor Middle Eastern studies and for the comparative study of political development.In 1 961, the Ford Foundation contributed$5.4 million to help implement a plan for thedevelopment of non- Western area programsand other international studies. The Foundation awarded a second grant of $8.6 million in1 966, of which $ 1 million was to be used inthe construction of a building to house international and non-Western area programs. Another $7 50,000 for construction of the pro-posed building was donated by Chicago hôtelexecutive, alumnus of the University, and former director of the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations Albert Pick, Jr.At the dedication cérémonies Mr. Pick said :"This dedication today of the Albert Pick Hallfor International Studies marks a pinnacle in32my life. The building was well conceived andconstructed with an aesthetic appeal that re-markably blends the modem with the tradi-tional architecture of the existing buildings.It is a place conducive to learning and Iam proud that its name has so honored myfamily "It is my fervent wish that within the walls ressing manner. The third, almost a circle,hovers over the two, to suggest protection andsecurity for the life of tomorrow. The fourthform represents a big wave, symbolic of thewater that surrounds and unités ail the continents."The sculpture was created in Chicago andeast in bronze in Verona, Italy, Ferrari's home-"Dialogo" by Ferrari: serenity out of strifeof this new building of learning, students andprofessors in the years to corne will beïnspiredto find solutions which will hâve a constructive impact on our quest for a world of peace."In front of the new Pick building stands asculpture unveiled at the ceremony, "Dialogo,"by Virginio Ferrari, sculptor in résidence andassistant professor of art at the University. Thebronze sculpture, whose title is Italian for"dialogue," symbolizes serenity out of strife,according to the sculptor. "What I want to callto mind in this sculpture are the four cornersof the world," Ferrari says. "Three of the fourforms émerge from strong, géométrie éléments,representing the diversity, pain, and dépressionin the life on any continent. They rise upslowly and become soft and délicate; two ofthe forms almost touch in the center in a ca- town. It rises fifteen feet and weighs more thantwo tons; it was financed by a gift from thePolk Brothers Foundation of Chicago, in honorof Albert Pick, Jr.Maroon Athlètes NationallyRanked as OutstandingRon Koenigs, who became the University'sfirst gymnast since 1942 to be named an All-American when he tied for second place in thelong-horse event of the national AAU gym-nastics championships held this spring atCedar Rapids, Iowa, is one of six UC studentsselected for inclusion in the 1 97 1 édition ofOutstanding Collège Athlètes of America.The other five are:— Larry Woodell, a member of the varsity football and track teams, from Greenbank,West Virginia;— Mike Prais, varsity wrestling and footballteams, from Dearborn, Michigan;—Jim Bartlett, varsity basketball and baseball teams, from Whitefish, Montana;— Tim O'Brien, varsity basketball team,from Hillside, Illinois, and— Walter Kroemer, varsity football andbasketball teams, from Sydney, Montana.Pro Singulari Eius MeritoThe University of Chicago Magazine receivedthree certificates of excellence this spring "fordistinguished achievement in the communicat-ing arts" from the Chicago 4, a group consist-ing of the Artists Guild of Chicago, the Chicago Society of Communicating Arts, GraphieArts Council of Chicago, and the Society ofTypographie Arts.The Annual SpringFulmination of FOTAThe University of Chicago's Festival 'of theArts ( FOTA ) might also hâve been called theFulmination of the Amateurs, for it was a hardstruggle for the student organizers to raise themoney to back up a month-long productionthat has a ( récent ) stupendously energeticpast. The money was hard won and more dif-ficultly controlled. But the Festival came offproudly, for ail that.It began with Maypole cérémonies in themain quadrangle. First came the Morrisdancers.prancing and dancing the traditipnalMaypole dances to the sounds of a masterf ulaccordion and two pipers. ,Then a trumpet fanf ara directed the crowds'attention to Haskell Hall where Dean RogerHildebrand delivered his second, annual, hilar-ious, traditional ( two years in a mobile societymakes a tradition, right? ) FOTA OpeningSpeech in which he described the proceedingsto come as a "local strain of spring fever."The fever rose and spread. "Radical chic"candy-colored streamlined journalist TomWolfe participated in a Pop Culture Collo-quium, moderated by John Cawelti, the resi-33dent faculty pop culture bufï. There were artexhibits in the dorms'and an exhibit of"Chinese Painting at Mid-Century." There wasa "Young Artists Séries" of solo récitals. Therewere chamber music concerts and plays : TheDeath of Andy Warhol, a Renaissance Masqueof Winter, and a polemical Sacco and Van-zetti. Anthony Burgess spoke on "The, Limitsof Obscenity," as if there should be any. May8th saw the "Sock Hop"— a bit of mass buf-foonery, a throwback to the norms and f ashionsof the forties and fif ties which advertised"free admission with greased hair, bobby sox,or pohytail."But the highlight of the whole works wasthe Midwest première of Handel's oratorioTheodora at Rockefeller Chapel, performed bya student choir and prof essional orchestra,with soloist Barbara Pearson singing the rôleof Theodora ( a Christian arrested by theRomans and confined to a brothel ) "with per-fect clarity and a rare, transparent tone," ac-cording to the Maroon. In addition, theypointed out, the performance "freed a masterlyscore from the silent library shelf , where hope-fully it will not be trapped for another 200years."Snell Hall Open HouseCall back yesterday— once again. Snell Hall,whose 1890s men were featured in our July/October issue last year, is having an openhouse to celebrate its rénovation on Sunday,October 10, at 2 :oo p.m. Ail former résidentsare cordially invited to attend.Women's Pages Need Facelifting,Says Columnist Von Hoffman[Nicholas von Hoffman of the WashingtonPost, in an address to a conférence of womeneditors, sponsored by the University's Centerfor Policy Study this April, blistered andpraised the Women's Pages with the follow-ing points.]"The first observation I want to make, oneI'm sure you've heard again and again, is thatAmerican newspapers do their worst job onthe topics that are the most important to peo ple— food, clothing, shelter, health, the areasthat the Women's Pages most often hâve re-sponsibility f or. . . ."The Women's Page is low status in mostnewspaper offices and with the public at large.People catch on quickly as to what you thinkof your own product. For example I write acolumn that appears on our Women's Pagethree days a week, and one of the most fréquent questions I get is 'Don't you resent beingput on the Women's Page? In fact, I don't,because I've learned that low status or highstatus, people read the Women's Page far morethan the editorial page where our big-hittershold f orth. A few months ago Art Buchwaldcame to the same conclusion and asked to bemoved out of the editorial section and backwith us. There's a tremendous audience forthèse sections."But still, when you write for the Women'sPage, you are in the eyes of your peers in thelow-rent district. And they're right. The Women's Page is a place ambitious, younger reporters want to leave. It's where you don't seethe raises passed out. It's low priority, theafterthought of the managing editor who's al-ways saying 'Oh, on that Nixon visit story,let's get a woman's angle; how about a sidebaron Pat?' In the back of the bus where we ride,that passes for creativity "The resuit has been that newspapers hâvemissed the biggest muckraking stories of thelast décade. The reason Ralph Nader and thewhole consumer movement has shaped itselfthe way it has is because the specialized sections of American newspapers didn't break thestory. Often they hâve either refused to cover it( and even af terward they've refused to cover .it) or hâve done so with shocking tardiness. Itcould hâve been the newspapers that got intoail this stufï first: unsafe cars, automobile in-surance, outdated food, lousy workmanship,f aise advertising, dresses made of flammablematerial, glass storm doors that shatter anddecapitate children when they open them, andon and on and on."But that's not the way the public typicallygets any of this enormously important information. The pattern is for some private groupto do the investigating using its own, often thin resources, and after they've assembled thefacts they go to a f riendly senator. He holds ahearing which is televised "and written up—in the front of the paper! Much, much later, ifever, does it get to the women's section whereyou'd think it would do the most good andwhere it certainly belongs. . . ."The Women's Pages are not weighed downwith unchangeable définitions of what theymust contai n and how they must présent it.They are in the best position to show the restof the paper what you do when most peopleget their first news— and the news they believemost— from radio or télévision. Women'sPages hâve always performed as a backup,auxiliary service to a hard news opération, butnow with télévision, that has increasingly become the whole newspaper's function. Tocarry f orward and enlarge on this function,however, Women's Pages are going to hâve tochange some of the ways their staffs look at theworld "You might say that right now we hâve callgirls running the ladies' page. That is, we hâveeditors and publishers who don't regard thesection as part of journalism, but rather as anadjunct to the advertising department, and ifthat doesn't change, nothing will. ... I thinkyou can do this. And if you do, you will beable to make what we call the women's section—or whatever you want to call the back ofthe book in daily journalism— the most excit-ing, the most useful, and even the most important part of the emerging, modem American newspaper."Rugby Team Top-DrawerAmerican as apple pie, American as rugby?Though on campus a mère seven years, the UCrugby team did absolutely splendidly this pastyear by this distinctly European sport. Fallquarter the Maroons ran, "scrummed," and"heeled" their way to eleven victories to oneloss, and spring quarter took seven wins tofour losses and two ties. Invited to the prestigi-ous Commonwealth Cup Tournament in Char-lottesville, Virginia, the Maroons took two outof three.34Our newcomputerisn't berfec t.But we're working on it.We've converted our mailingSystem from an old mechanicalmethod to a new computer. In the longrun, we'II save time and money.- Inthe short run, we're bound to err.You may receive incorrectlyaddressed or duplicate mailings. Weapologize in advance and ask thatyou Jet us know what went wrong.Sometimes a giant leap forwardrequires a few steps backward first.The Universityof ChicagoAlumni Fund^Alumni j^ewsClub EventsALBANY: On May 1 6, Albany alumni gatheredat the Jamaica Inn for a smorgasbord dinnerand heard Anthony T. G. Pallett, director ofadmissions and aid, spéak on the topic "Scalingthe Collège Wall: The View from the OtherSide." Mrs. Sàra Harris was chairman for theprograrn while Natalie Finder acted as co-chairman.BALTIMORE: On April 22, Philip M. Hauser,professor of sociology and director of the Population Research Center, spoke to alumni on"The Population Explosion, Implosion andDisplosion" at the Holiday Inn. Richard Man-del chaired the event.BOSTON: On April 27, William H. McNeill,the Robert A. Milliken Distinguished ServiceProfessor of History, described "Patterns inHistory" to a group of Boston alumni meetingat the MIT Faculty Club. Chairman of theevent was William H. Fredrickson.CHICAGO: Emeritus Club Day— April 3— began with coffee and rolls served at the Centerfor Continuing Education. After a tour of thecampus by bus, emeriti were led on a guidedtour of the new Joseph Regenstein Library.Following sherry and luncheon at the Center,Professor Kenneth J. Northcott discussed someof the newest developments on campus. Ashowing of the film Chicago, A Very SpécialPlace topped off the day for a very spécialgroup.On April 29, an evening of expérimentalfilms and photographs by Danny Lyon, a récent graduate of the Collège, was presented forthe enjoyment of Chicago-area alumni.CLEVELAND: Harold A. Richman, professorand dean of the School of Social Service Administration, spoke at a réception held forNorthern Ohio alumni on May 2. The motionpicture Chicago, A Very Spécial Place wasshown.Cleveland alumni met at the ClevelandMuséum of Art on May 1 9 to view highlightsof the Far Eastern Collection and to gain theinsights of the Révérend Harrie A. Vander-stappen, professor of art and Far Eastern lan- guages and civilizations, who gave an illus-tràted lecture followed by a guided tour of theCollection. Mrs. Milton Matz was chairmanfor the prograrn.DALLAS: Dallas alumni assembled at the Hilton Inn on May 26 to hear Fred T. Strodtbeck,professor of social psycholbgy and director ofthe Social Psychology Laboratory, who presented "New Perspectives on Juvénile Delin-quency." Jerry Levin was chairman for themeeting.DENVER: George R. Hughes, professor ofNear Eastern languagës and civilizations anddirector of the Oriental Institute, acted as com-mentator at a May 1 3 showing of the film TheEgyptologists for Denver alumni. DenisonAuditorium of the University of ColoradoMédical Center was the scène of the eventwhich was chaired by Mrs. Melvin Newman.LOS ANGELES: Dean Harold A. Richman ofthe School of Social Service Administrationspoke at a réception on April 1 5 for Los An-geles-area alumni.On April 27, Peter J. Wyllie, professor ofgeophysical sciences, addressed alumni andtheir guests at the Wilshire Hyatt House onthe topic "Sea-Floor Spreading and Continental Drift: With Some Long-Range Implications for the Future of the State of California."MILWAUKEE: Walter D. Fackler, professor ofbusiness économies and director of management programs in the Graduate School ofBusiness, discussed "The State of the Nation"with Milwaukee alumni on May 19. GaarSteiner was chairman for the prograrn.MINNEAPOLIS/ST. PAUL: Walter D. Facklerof the Graduate School of Business addressedalumni on May 18 on "The State of the Nation" at a prograrn staged at the SheratonMotor Inn. Vernon Oison served as chairman.NEW YORK : Allan Rechtschaff en, professor ofpsychiatry and psychology and director of theSleep Laboratory, brought New Yorkers up-to-date on récent developments in sleep and dream research at an April 22 gathering, heldat the Williams Club.PHOENIX: Morton Kaplan, professor of political science and chairman of the committee oninternational relations, offered his insights toalumni on "The Nixon Doctrine" at an April7 meeting, chaired by Mrs. Sophia Kruglick.PITTSBURGH: Jack Meltzer, professor of urbanstudies and i*n the School of Social Service Administration and director of the Center forUrban Studies, suggested some "New Ap-proaches in Managing the Urban Metropolis"to alumni meeting at the Redwood MotorHôtel on May 12. Adrian Straley served aschairman.PORTLAND: Martin E. Marty, professor andassociate dean of the Divinity School, spoke on"Theological Education: The Best 'things inthe Worst Time" at a luncheon sponsored bythe Divinity School for Portland (,Ore. )alumni on April 27.PROVIDENCE: June 5 was the date of the annual meeting and élection of officers of theUniversity of Chicago Club of Rhode Island.Mercedes H. Quevedo, président of the club,presided.SAN FRANCISCO: Peter J. Wyllie, professor ofgeophysical sciences, addressed alumni at theSir Frances Drake Hôtel on April 28 on "Sea-Floor Spreading and Continental Drift: WithSome Long-Range Implications for the Future of the State of California."WASHINGTON: Milton Friedman, the PaulSnowden Russell Distinguished Service Professor of Economies, spoke to Washingtonalumni on "Politics and Economies" at theirannual dinner, held on May 20. The evening'sagenda also included the élection of officersfor 1 97 1 -7 2 and présentation of the annualWashington Distinguished Alumnus Award.36Class Notes(\H CHARLES F. AXELSON, PhB'07, eighty-/ nine, a trustée of the University of Chicago since 1923 and a Chartered Life Under-writer, died in May after a brief illness. Anagent for sixty-one years with the Northwestern Mutual Life Insurance Company, Chicago,Mr. Axelson was a past président of both theChicago and Illinois Associations of Life Un-derwriters and former président of the AlumniAssociation.IN MEMORIAM : Gertrude Bouton Axtèll, ^AB'07; Vernette L. Gibbons, SM'o7; JessieHayne Howard, AB'07; Anna Louise Strong,AM'o7,PhD'o8.TT EMORYS. BOGARDUS, PhD'll,deanemeritus of the graduate school at theUniversity of Southern California, organizerand first dean of USC's school of social work,was recently honored by USC alumni of PhiKappa Phi, an all-university honor society. Dr.Bogardus who joined the USC faculty sixtyyears ago still serves as editor emeritus ofSociology and Social Research, an international journal published quarterly by USC.ESMOND R. LONG, AB' 1 1 , PhD' 1 9, MD'2 6,author, médical historian, pathology professor,researcher in tuberculosis and leprosy, receivedthe 1 97 1 Gold Headed Cane Award of theAmerican Association of Pathologists andBacteriologists. A résident of Philadelphia, Dr.Long has authored twelve books including AHistory of American Pathology.IN MEMORIAM: Earl Crafts, SB'i 1, MD'14;Paul H. Davis, PhB'i 1 ; Herman M. Hilde-brandt, x'n; Antoinette Palmer Jarvis,PhB'i 1 ; Julius Robert Klawans, x'i 1 ; MaryAlice Miller, AB'i 1, AM'i2; Vera LenoreMoyer, SB'n; Loren C Petry, SM'n, PhD'13;Myra Reed Richardson, PhB'i 1 ; Myra Zacha-rias Siedenf uss, PhB' 1 1 ; Charles C. Steck,SM' 1 1 ; York B. Sutch, SB' 1 1 , MD' 1 3 .T ^ ROBERT R, GLYNN, SB'l 3, MD'l 5, at theJ âge of eighty has announced his retire-ment from the active practice of medicine. Ata combination retirement/birthday dinnergiven for Dr. Glynn by his associâtes at theSmith-Glynn-Callaway Clinic, Springfield,Mo., he was presented with a polished lucite block into which were east a pair of his firstbandage scissors, the gauge of his first sphyg-momanometer, and the head of that stéthoscopeby which he examined "over 500,000 chests"as an army surgeon in World War I. Dr.Glyhn, who performed the first blood transfusion in Springfield, has set the re-reading ofthe classics as one of his retirement goals, start-ing at the beginning and "going on fromthere."IN MEMORIAM: May Hill Arbuthnot, '13,PhB'22; El va Goodhue, SB'13; Harry LeeHuber, SB' 1 3 , SM' 1 6, PhD' 1 7 , MD' 1 8 ; FloraElizabeth LeStourgeon, AM'f 3, PhD' 17.TrjAM. SWANSON, SM'i6, on an occasionhonoring his fifty-year career in obstet-rics and gynecology, figured he has delivered"just about enough babies to populate a smalltown." On the médical staff of Swedish- American Hospital in Rockford, 111., Dr. Swansonhas two sons, both of whom are physicians.IN MEMORIAM: Isabel MacMurray Ander-son, X'16; Morris M. Leighton, PhD' 16; Lawrence J, MacGregor, PhB' 16; Elizabeth W.Tragitt, AB'16.17 JOHN HERBERT NIÇHOLS, MD' 1 7 , ofOberlin, Ohio, emeritus director of ath-letics and professor of physical éducation atOberlin Collège and Big Ten sports référéefor twenty-three years, has received Oberlin's1 97 1 Alumni Medal for distinguished serviceto the school spanning sixty years. He wascited especially for his lifelong belief that collège athletics should not be "an activity for thefew and a spectator sport for the many" andhis insistence that tenure and advancement ofcoaches not dépend on the number of inter-collegiate victories they produced, but on theirtotal contribution to ail students through theentire physical éducation prograrn.T Ç\ MARGARET FULLER BOOS, SM'19,y/ PhD'24, engineering geologist in Den-ver, was honored as "First Lady of Petroleum"at the 1971 International Petroleum Exposition held in Tulsa, Okla. An educator, researcher, author, consultant, Dr. Boos established the geology department at the University of Denver and sponsors a $2,000 fellowship atNorthwestern University for a girl studyinggeological engineering.IN MEMORIAM: Mervin J. Kelly, PhD' 19;Dorothy Ashland Nichols, SB' 1 9.r\ T FLOYD W. REE VES, AM' 2 1 , PhD' 2 5 —aman who grew up among Crow andSioux Indians and once taught a U. S. senatorto speak English, an educator whose ideas ongênerai éducation became the cornerstone ofMichigan State University's basic undergrad-uate prograrn, inner-circle advisor to FranklinD. Roosevelt, key administrator of the Tennessee Valley Authority, drafter of the G. I.Bill of Rights, prominent UC faculty memberfor many years whose forecast on future developments in éducation lies in the cornerstoneof Judd Hall, in short a man of incalculableinfluence in American éducation— was awardedMSU's highest tribute— the honorary doctor oflaws degree— this spring.IN MEMORIAM: Jessie M. Cline, SB'2 1 ;Nina Baumgardner Darr, PhB'21.OO JOSEPH BOHRER,PhB'23,JD'24,atJ seven ty-two was the oldest of 1 3 5cyclists to take part in the récent Blodmington( 111. ) "Bicycle Holiday," according to reliablesources. The youngest participant was âgethree.IN MEMORIAM: Phillip N. Landa, PhB'23,JD'25; Nicholas Athanasius Milas, SM'23,PhD'26.r\ A ELIZABETH JOHNSON LEVINSON,I AB'24, director of development and re-search at the Counseling Center in Bangor,Maine, will be honored for her many years ofservice in advancing the care and treatment ofthe mentally retarded in the state of Maine,when the new state facility for fhe retarded—to be called the Elizabeth Levinson Develop-mental Center— opens in Bangor late this summer. Co-founder of both the Eastern MaineFriends of Retarded Children and the EasternMaine Guidance Center, in 1963 Dr. Levinsonbecame the first woman ever to be awardedan earned doctorate (psychology) from theUniversity of Maine.37IN MEMORIAM: John Tennyson Myers,PhD'24; Robert Pollak, PhB'24; Sherman DayWakefield, PhB'24.<J £ ELEANORM. JOHNSON, PhB'2 5, CO-3 f ounder and editor of My WeeklyReader, the newsletter for children from kin-dergarten through sixth grade, was awardedan honorary doctor of letters degree by HoodCollège at their spring commencement exercises. Co-founded by Miss Johnson forty-threeyears ago, the ubiquitous Weekly Reader ispublished in seven éditions each week for itsyouthful constituency, which numbers in themillions, and is distributed in sixty-five foreigncountries. Miss Johnson makes her home inFrederick, Md.HAROLD R. NISSLEY, PhB'25, AM'35, con-sulting engineer and training specialist inCleveland Heights ( Ohio ) , has had his 1 968arbitration play, TV and Radio Workers ofAmerica versus The Ohio Electronics Company, published by the Industrial ManagementSociety. The play, a lively dramatization of areal arbitration hearing and covering a widerange of factory worker grievances, will bepresented on November 5 before the annualclinic of the Industrial Management Society.For the first sixteen years of his professionallife Mr. Nissley taught business at Texas Tech,Miami University, and Kent State University.His arbitration expérience goes back to 1944and includes several permanent umpireships.r\m EDITHRAMBARGRIMM,PhB'27,vice/ président, Carson Pirie Scott & Company, Chicago, will do the industry forecast onretailing at the eighth annual ForecastingConférence, co-sponsored by the AmericanStatistical Association and the Chicago Association of Commerce and Industry.IN MEMORIAM: Mark N. Funk, AM'27 ;Jeremiah Quin, SB' 27, MD' 3 2.O Q NORTON CLAPP, PhB'28, JD'29, atrustée of the University of Chicago,has been elected national président of BoyScouts of America.KATHARINE WOOLF KUH, AM28, art editor of the Saturday Review since 1959 and for mer curator of painting and sculpture at theArt Institute of Chicago, has written a newbook, The Open Eye: In Pur suit of Art. Mrs.Kuh, who considers herself more an art his-torian than critic, also has an eye for goodtitles, for among her previous works are TheArtists Voice: Talks with S évente en Artists,and Break-Up: The Core of Modem Art.ry ç\ michael FORTINO, SB'29, District 21y superintendent of the Chicago PublicSchools, was honored in May by the Gregor-ians, an association of Italian-American edu-cators, for his many contributions to the éducation of Chicagoland youth.IN memoriam: Chester S. Alexander,PhB'29, AM'33, PhD'42; Winfield Foster,PhB'29; Bert C. Goss, AM'29; Edith Harris,PhB'29.n T E ARL v. PULLIAS, am' 3 1 , is prof essorJ of higher éducation at the University ofSouthern California, a post he has held since1957, and serves on the Los Angeles CountyBoard of Education. His book A Teacher IsMany Things, written with James D. Young,was selected for the USlA's Ladder Séries andhas been translated into Burmese and Spanish.ROBERT L. PURCELL, PhB'31 has beenelected chairman of the board of Lear Siegler,Inc., a diversified firm, headquartered in SantaMonica, Calif., engaged in real estate development and construction, eleçtronics and communications, vehicle assemblies, and industrialmachinery and tools.IN MEMORIAM: Bess Seltzer Sondel,PhB'31, PhD'38.^> r\ LEON STERNFELD, SB'32, MD'36,J PhD' 3 7 , f ormerly médical aff airs consultant for the Fédération of Jewish Philanthropies of New York, has joined UnitedCérébral Palsy Associations, Inc., New York,as médical director and director of its scientificarm, the UCP Research and Educational Foundation. Dr. Sternfeld has done considérablework for the public health departments in boththe states of New York and Massachusetts anduntil 1970 was on Harvard's School of PublicHealth faculty. *2 £ CLIFFORD G. MASSOTH, PhB'35, as di-Sj «3 rector of public relations and advertising for the Illinois Central Railroad, is areacoordinator for ASTRO, the railroads' effort tobring about change in government régulationof that industry. As such, he has spoken beforedozens of audiences, particularly in the Mid-west and South, taking the position that ifrailroads are not allowed to compete on anequal basis with tax-supported forms of trans-portation, the nation will be f orced to na-tionalize, at great expense to the public.WILBUR L. VICK, AB'35, has retired as manager of Johnson & Johnson, the Chicago phar-maceutical house, which he joined thirty-fiveyears ago as a factory ledger accountant. Mr.Vick plans to spend a f air amount of his newleisure time getting his bowling scores up andhis golf scores down.PHILIP c. WHITE, SB'35, PhD'38, gêneraimanager- research, Standard Oil Company (In-diana) , has assumed thè presidency of the Industrial Research Institute, Inc. Formerly président of UC's Alumni Cabinet, Dr. White is amember of the American Chemical Society andrepresented the U. S. on the executive board ofthe World Petroleum Congresses.IN MEMORIAM: William F. Beswick,MD'35; Jordan T. Cavan, PhD'35; Margaret E.Clifford, AM'35; M. Wesley Roper, PhD'35.^2 Ç\ ROBERT O. ANDERSON, AB'39, board^J / chairman, Atlantic Richfield Company,New York, has received the American Association of Fund-Raising Counsel's second annual Award for Distinguished Service to Phil-anthropy by a volunteer. Mr. Anderson alsoserves as chairman of the Aspen Institute forHumanistic Studies and vice chairman of theJohn F. Kennedy Center for the PerformingArts.MARTIN BRONFENBRENNER, PhD'39, whowill be leaving Carnegie-Mellon University inPittsburgh where he has been chairman of thedepartment of économies since 1966 to acceptan appointment at Duke University, Durham,N. G, spent the first half of the 1 970-7 1 académie year as visiting professor of économiesat Aoyama-Gakuin University in Tokyo,Japan. Dr. Bronfenbrenner reports that his38Income Distribution Theory, a "fat book"which has suffered a two to three-year delayin publication, "will finally appear this summer.""A trusting public should be warned thatmy next book is utterly dull and dry," writesA. T. DEGROOT, PhD' 39, director of the Ecu-menism Research Agency in Estes Park, Colo."What would you expect with so deadly a titleas An Index to the Doctrines, Persons, Events...of the Faith & Order Commission, WorldCouncil of Churches.. . ? Odd people likebibliographers and researchers may find aglimmer of interest in it, but hardly any titillation. However, only 600 copies are beingprinted, so it will not be too great a burden onposterity. And the price is $12.00, whichshould enable most persons to avoid buying it.It cornes from Imprimerie la Concorde, Lausanne, Switzerland, and is so dry that if I can'tsell it as a book, 1*11 take the copies to Houstonin a damp summer and peddle it as a dehumid-ifier." Oh corne now, Dr. DeGroot. With aletter like that, we bet you could make eventhe Fédéral Income Tax Instructions cornealive.A Ç* MARY ALLEN HOUSE, SB'40, whor proudly claims "the world's greatestgrandchild," and husband JOHN M. HOUSE,SB'47, MBA'48 (retired in May as a spécialagent, Internai Revenue Service, after thirtyyears of government service ) hâve moved toAlbuquerque, N. M., where Mr. House expectsto practice as a public accountant and/or domanagement consulting work.IN MEMORIAM: Walter H. Kaiser, AM'40.A T ROBERT^ BARICKMAN, JR., SB'4 1 ,T MD'44, otolaryngologist afiiliated withNorthwestern University and Chicago'sRavenswood Hospital Médical Center, recentlycômpleted a two-month tour of volunteer service on the hospital ship S. S. HÔPE, during itsWest Indies mission.EDMUND DE CHASCA, PhD'41, professor ofSpanish literature at the University of Iowa,has been awarded a Guggenheim fellowshipfor the académie year 1971-72 which he willuse to do comparative studies of the Cid Bal- lads. An authority on the Spanish epic and bal-lad who has published extensively on Cervantes and Lope de Rueda, Professor dé Chascawas recently elected a corresponding memberof the Hispanic Society of America.ALONZO S. YERBY, SB' 4 1, chairman of thedepartment and professor of health servicesadministration at the Harvard UniversitySchool of Public Health, has been elected a director of Arthur D. Little, Inc.A r\ Charles T. DAVIS, AM'42, professor ofr English and chairman of the committeeon Afro- American studies at the University ofIowa, has published (with Daniel Walden)an anthology of black literature entitled OnBeing Black: Writings by Afro- Americansfrom Frederick Douglass to the Présent.JOHN H. JOHNSON, x'42, président ofJohnson Publishing Company, owner of acosmetics firm, and président and chief executive officer of Suprême Life Insurance Company of America ( based in Chicago ) , has beenelected director of Twentieth Century Fox. ACitizens Board member, Mr. Johnson won aUC Professional Achievemènt Award in 1970.GUSTAVE S. MARGOLIS, AB'42, an attorneyin Johnstown, Pa., has been appointed by thegovernor to the Pennsylvania Council on theArts.IN MEMORIAM: Albert Samuels, MBA'42;Willa A. Strong, AM42.A*> ROSEKINGWOODRUFF,AM'43,iscur-vj rently directing a free éducation prograrn for adults and out-of-school youth beingoperated at a large Trenton (N. j. ) housingproject. The state-funded Family Life andConsumer Education prograrn, as it is called,is run under the Trenton Board of Educationand aims at giving skills to people who pres-ently hâve no way of earning a living. Coursesinclude sewing, furniture repair, upholstery,"smart buying," buying of foods for seniorcitizens, understanding children, and ironing."Most of the people hère hâve very little confidence in themselves," said Mrs. Woodruff ina Trenton Evening Times story. "One womanswore she couldn't knit. I told her I tried 800times and failed. On the 37th try, she made it! " To make it easier for women to attendclasses, the project pays for babysitters if amother can't find one.A A B. EVERARD BLANCHARD, AM'46, CO-t" ordinator of graduate programs in theSchool of Education, DePaul University, Chicago, published a review of A National Sur-vey: Curriculum Articulation between the Collège of Libéral Arts and the Secondary School^in a récent issue of The Chronicle of HigherEducation.JANET HALLIDAY ERVIN, PfiB'46, of Wau-watosa, Wis., has written two books for juvéniles, The Last Trip of the Juno and MoreThan Halfway There, both published in 1970by Follett. The oldest of her three sons,Howard, is a second-year student in the LawSchool and on the staff of the Law Review.A M JOHN R. COX, SB'47, consulting petro-1" / leum geologist, has opened offices inWichita, Kansas. A vétéran in mideontinentgeology, he will dévote most of his efforts tothis région.JOHN HOVING, AB'47, has been elected tothe board of trustées of the Washington Hospital Center, the largest private, non-profithospital in the Washington area.SHIRLEY L. KAUFFMAN, SB'47, SM'48, hasbeen promoted to professor of pathology atDownstate Médical Center ( State Universityof New York) , Brooklyn. Dr. Kauffman iscurrently in charge of pédiatrie autopsy services and the training of interns and résidentsin pédiatrie pathology.IN MEMORIAM: David Greene, PhB'47,SB' 48, SM'49; Kenneth S. Green, Jr., PhB'47,AM'5 1 ; Francis T. Williams, AM'47 ; MaryTheresa Zigmant, MB A' 47.A V The Révérend CROMWELL COOKT" CLEVELAND, x'48, Lexington, Ky.,was guest preacher for the Maundy ThursdayCommunion Service at Asbury TheologicalSeminary in Wilmore, Ky. He also receivedhis seventh National Award and GeorgeWashington Honor Medal from the FreedomsFoundation at Valley Forge in March, 197 1 , ata luncheon of the Lexington Rotary Club.39PAUL E. POTTER, PhB'49, SM'50,PhD' 5 2, Indiana University facultymember since 1963, has received an appoint-ment as professor of geology at the Universityof Cincinnati.MAX J. PUTZEL, AB'49, AM'52, PhD'65,associate professor and chairman of the de-partment of Germanie languages at IndianaUniversity Northwest in Gary (who was anassistant professor and associate dean of under-graduate students at UC for several years ) , isone of six faculty members in the entire Indiana University system, and the only onefrom a régional campus, to hâve recently received a "Distinguished Teaching" award. Theprevious year he was the student senate oflUN's choice for their "Outstanding Teacher"award.5 r\ RAMSEY CLARK, AM'50, JD'5 1, attor-ney gênerai under Lyndon Johnson andauthor of Crime in America, was awarded inJune the first honorary degree, an LL.D., evergiven by Brooklyn (N. Y.) Collège in itsforty-one year history.SEYMOUR L. LUSTMAN, PhD'50, professorof psychiatry at Yale, has been appointed mas-ter of Davenport Collège, one of Yale's twelveundergraduate residential collèges. Dr. Lùst-man has worked extensively in problems ofchild development and in emotionally-basedhealth disorders.JOE WAGNER, JD'50, leads a double life. Byday he's a practicing attorney in Quincy, 111.By night he's a nightclub entertainer— an ac-complished pianist playing at Quincy's RedCarpet Lounge. The double life is not new forhim. For two years, while in Law School, heplayed at Ciro's on Rush Street in Chicago,performing with such artists as Gène Krupaand under the bâtons of noted band leaders toearn a few extra dollars towards his éducation.Nowadays he plays not for the rémunérationinvolved, but as his own particular brand ofrelaxation.DELMAR D. WALKER, MBA' 50, président ofFunk Bros. Seed Co., Bloomington, 111., hasbeen named 1 97 1 "Agricultural MarketingMan of the Year" by the National AgriculturalAdvertising and Marketing Association and was specifically cited for extraordinary national leadership in seed corn marketing in theface of the southern corn leaf blight which hitthe country last fall.IN MEMORIAM: James A. Hyde,MBA'5o;Magnus Nodtvedt, PhB' 50.|f WEN-YU CHENG, AM'5 1 , prof essor of**" économies and business administrationat Marietta ( Ohio ) Collège, has been namedto the subcommittee on training of the secre-tary of labor's National Manpower AdvisoryCommittee. Mr. Cheng is vice président andpresident-elect of the Ohio Association ofEconomists and Political Scientists.MYRTLE LUNDQUIST, PhB'5 1, AM'63, Wil-mette, 111. , has written a unique work, TheBook of a Thousand Thimbles, published bythe Wallace-Homestead Book Company, DesMoines, Iowa. A manual for thimble collectors,the book présents a history of their origin anduse and cornes complète with full-page colorillustrations of gold, silver, porcelain, jeweled,novelty, and plastic thimbles, to name a few.MARGARET B. WILES, AM'5 1, has left herjob with the Community Health Nursing Section, Olympia, Wash., to assume the executivedirectorship of the Community Nursing Services of Essex and West Hudson ( N. J. ) ,which provides part-time professional nursingand other therapeutk services to home-boundpatients.) RUTH CURD DICKINSON, AB' 5 2 , assist-* ant executive of the Kansas govérnor'ssteering committee for the 1970-7 1 WhiteHouse Conférence on Children and Youth,has been named director of public informationat Topeka ( Kansas ) State Hospital.DAVID ROSENTHAL, PhD' 52, chief of theLaboratory of Psychology, National Instituteof Mental Health, is winner of the ninth annual Stanley R. Dean Research Award of theAmerican Collège of Psychiatrists and theFund for the Behavioral Sciences, for hisstudies of the rôles of heredity and environment in schizophrenia. Dr. Rosenthal isknown in scientific circles for a study he con-ducted in Denmark involving 5,500 adoptedchildren. The children with a biological schizophrénie parent, it turned out, developedmore schizophrénie disorders than the childrenwithout a schizophrénie parental background.In another well-known study comparing Israelichildren raised in the kibbutz with thoseraised in traditional family fashion, with dataat hand concerning the parents' mental health,Dr. Rosenthal was able to further compare therelative influence of genetics as against that ofenvironment.5 M JEANNY VORYS CANBY, AM' 5 4, hasHT been appointed curator of Egyptian andancient Near Eastern art by the Walters ArtGallery, Baltimore, Md.CRAIG R. EISENDRATH, AB'54, formerly onthe f aculties of Northeastern University andMIT and currently engaged in full-time writ-ing, is author of The Unifying Moment: ThePsychological Philos ophy of William Carnesand Alfred North Whitehead, published inMarch by the Harvard University Press.SHERSCHEL L. ALLEN, AM'5 5, chief ofprograrn services in the child welf aredivision of Illinois' Department of Childrenand Family Services, has been named executive director of the Children's Home of Rock-f ord, III.DON OAKLEY, AM'5 5, bas been named toreceive a 1971 "Distinguished Récognition"award in the books for juvénile readers cate-gory from Friends of American Writers forhis first published book, Two Muskets forWashington ( Bobbs-Merrill Co. ) , the storyof two lads, one of them a freed slave boy, whotogether journey on foot to join the Revolutionary War troops assembling to défend NewYork City. Mr. Oakley is chief editorial writerfor the Cleveland Newspaper Enterprise Asso-5 m NATHAN HARE, AM' 5 7 , PhD' 62 , f or-/ mer chairman of San Francisco StateCollèges department of black studies, is cur-'rently director of the school's Black StudiesInstitute. Published widely, he is founder andeditor of The Black Scholar, and author of thebooks A Darker Shade of Black and Notes ofa Black Professor.40for members ofUNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ALUMNI ASSOCIATIONand their immédiate familiesGREATEST HAWAIIAN VACATION EVER!for onlycomplète per persondouble occupancyplus 5% tax and servicesvia Overseas National Airwaysor Universal Airlines(certificated supplementalcarriers)We won't présume to im-prove Hawaii . . . nature hasdone an excellent job of thatalready. But we HAVE addeda silver lining to an already lux-urious vacation package. Hère iswhat the Aloha Carnival includes:v DELUXE ACCOMMODATIONSat Hawaii's newest and most luxuriousocean-front resort . . . The HawaiianRégent at Waikiki. Carnival vacations hâve always used the f inesthôtels in the world, but now we've gonea step further with our OWN HawaiianRégent, a hôtel unprecedented in itsluxury and services, including several restaurants, clubs, shops, pool and top-name enter-tainment. And because the hôtel is our own,our experienced Carnival staff can give you ailthe personal attention you deserve!FOOD FIT FOR A KINGincluding Champagne breakfast every morning and get-together cocktail party and full course dinner each eve-ning during your stay.If the Aloha Carnival sounds like YOUR way to travel, mailus the coupon and we'll send you more reasons to think so! No other trip includes so much!CHAMPAGNE BREAKFAST EVERY MORNINGFESTIVE COCKTAIL PARTY EVERY EVENINGGOURMET DINNER NIGHTLYLUXURY ACCOMMODATIONS AT HAWAII'S NEWESTpLUS AND MOST LAVISH HOTEL• Round trip f light with food and beverages served aloft• Traditional flower-lei greeting• Half-day sightseeing tour of Honolulu• Optional sightseeing tours at low Carnival priées• Carnival Hospitality Desk in hôtel lobby• Host Escort throughout• AH transfers of you and luggage• Pre-registration at hôtel• Briefing on highlights of Hawaii• Plenty of attention but no regimentationDEPARTING ON DECEMBER 25, 1971 FROM CHICAGO, ILLINOISTHE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ALUMNI ASSOCIATION5733 University Avenue/Chicago, Illinois 60637 (312) 753-2175Gentlemen:Enclosed please find $_ ,as deposit Das payment in full ? for_ _number of persons.Make check or money order payable to: ALOHA CARNIVAL$418.95 per person double occupancy$100 minimum deposit per person. Final payment due 30 days before departure. Please print and if more than one couple, attach a sep-arate list with complète information as below.FULL NAME ____-ZIP-_DEPARTURE CITY_DEPARTURE DATE 1 ' Single occupancy (if individual, and not a single, name of person sharing room) Return this réservation immediately to insure space. Rates based on double occupancy. Single rates $50 additional. Rates on childrenunder 12 sharing room with parents $25 less. Although flights are usuaily non-stop, it may be necessary to schedule one stop enroute.Tour priées are based on rates and tariffs in effect as of the date printed herein, AITS reserves the right to adjust tour priées in theevent of rate and tariff changes over which it has no control.MARY KELLY MULLANE, PhD' 57, retiringin August as dean ôf the University of IllinoisCollège of Nursing in Chicago, has had an annual symposium for nursing practitioners, edu-cators, and students named in her honor. Thesymposium, co-sponsored since its inauguration in 1968 by the local chapter of SigmaThêta Tau ( the national nurses' honorary ) andthe Alumni Association of the UI Collège ofNursing, will henceforth be called "The MaryKelly Mullane Clinical Nursing Symposium."£ Q COLIN DURNING, PhD' 5 8, has left theO University of Otago, Dunedin, NewZealand, and is working now with young de-linquents at Marysville, a rehabilitation fa-cility in Invercargill, New Zealand.IN MEMORIAM: Donald T. Asher, MBA' 5 8.C O ROBION c KIRBY> SB'59, SM'6o,«3 / PhD'65, a mathematics professor atUCLA, has received the nation's top honor ingeometry, the Oswald Veblen Prize of theAmerican Mathematical Society, for his studiesin the field of topology and specifically for hispaper "Stable Homeomorphisms and the An-nulus Conjecture."ATTYE TRUESDALE McGEE, AM' 59, receiveda citation for outstanding service to youthfrom Illinois Governor Ogilvie at the annualGovernors Conférence on Youth.EDWARD C. STONE, JR., SM'59, PhD'64,assistant professor of physics at Caltech, is oneof seventy-seven young physical scientists tobe awarded Alfred P. Sloan Foundation fellow-ships and will receive approximately $8,750support per year for two years. A specialist inthe gênerai field of cosmic rays, Dr. Stone isdoing expérimental work with the HighEnergy Astrophysical Observatory which willsoon be able to launch 12,500 pounds of ex-periments as compared to the 250 pounds nowcarried in the orbiting geophysical laboratory.A y ROLAND W. GILLETT, X' 6 1, graduatestudent in mathematical logic at theSocratic Institute, did his fédéral income taxthis year in base seven.KATHERINE QUE AL Y, AM'61, has beennamed to the new post of director of social services in the Wayne County (N. Y.) Wel-fare Department. She has been a caseworksupervisor with the department for eight years.A r\ CHARLES E. BUTTERWORTH, AM'62,PhD'66, has.been awarded a Fulbright-Hayes lectureship to France for the 197 1-72académie year and will spend one semester inBordeaux and another in Grenoble as a lec-turer in political philosophy. He will also bespending time in Cairo preparing a book he iswriting on the political teaching of Averroëson a three-month research grant of the American Research Center in Egypt.GILBERT R. FISCHER, PhD' 62, associate professor of philosophy at Purdue University'sCalumet Campus, gave a piano récital thererecently performing works by Beethoven,Debussy, Liszt, Chopin, and Ravel. A Purduefaculty member since 1963, Dr. Fischer's ex-tensive musical background includes work asa concert accompanist, organist, music teacher,and nightclub pianist.DEBORAH PURCELL GOSHIEN, AB'62, received a masters degree from Case WesternReserve University this June, and a JD degreemagna cum laude from Cleveland State University last June.CHARLES L. ROBINSON, SB'62, SM'68, thenew vice président in charge of software, Data-Logics, Inc., and his family hâve moved backto the Windy City where the firm, which dealsin computer Systems, is based.A ^ KENNETH T. JACKSON, AM'63,J PhD'66, has been promoted to associateprofessor of history and appointed chairman ofthe undergraduate urban studies prograrn at -Columbia University. Co-editor of AmericanVistas, an anthology just published by OxfordUniversity Press, Mr. Jackson is currently atwork on a history of American suburbs.A A JAN HOWARD FINDER, SM'64, is assis-1 tant director of the Lakewood Académie Center of Cleveland State University.The Center sponsored in April the fourthannual Tolkien Society conférence, entitledthe "Cleveland Conférence on Middle-Earth."WILLIAM B. GILLIES, III, MAT' 64, and family hâve moved to Springfield, 111., wherehe has assumed his new duties in the stateOffice of Public Instruction, in charge of social studies curriculum services. The Gillies,who took a five-thousand-mile family car tripto the Eastern states last summer, "found trav-eling with fourteen-month and three-and-one-half-year-old boys just fine: in fact, we recom-mend it."A r* JOHN A. GALE, JD'65, législative assis-%J tant to Sen. Roman Hruska serving asminority counsel on the Senate constitutionalrights subcommittee and as Hruska's agricultural assistant until last June, has been namedthe résident assistant U. S. attorneyfor Lincoln, Nebr. Mr. Gales background in criminallaw, constitutional rights, and agriculturallégislation should be helpful, commentedNebraska's U. S. attorney, since over half ofthe total civil and criminal caseload in theLincoln office "arise from programs adminis-tered by the U. S. Department of Agriculture."JACK D. MILLER, MBA'65, vice présidentand gênerai manager of Sterling Engineeringand Manufactufing Company, has been appointed to the additional position of executivevice président and gênerai manager of SterlingProducts Company, Kingston, Pa., manufacturer and marketer of hydraulically controlledeârth boring machines, driver attachments,and related products.Q m JOAN BRADBURY, AM'67, is one of the/ two teachers at Co-operative SchoolNo. 3 in Chicago's South Shore, which wasf ormed by a group of parents who became f edup with what they regarded as the inflexibilityand regimentation of the public school System.Operating in an old storefront. Co-op 3 hastwenty-one pupils between the âges of six andten. Half of each school day is designated as"quiet time," when the children may read,draw, or do pretty much whatever they feellike doing, so long as they do it quietly. Theother half of the day, of course, is "activityCnoisy] time." In a Chicago Sun-Times fea-ture on the school, Miss Bradbury expressedgreat enthusiasm for and belief in the school'sfocus on freedom and individuality, but re-42called that when the school first opened inSeptember, 1969, although the younger children pretty much adjusted right away, at first"the older ones didn't know what to do withtheir freedom except sort of charge around."Miss Bradbury's salary is as flexible as the edu-cational methods she employs. The school runson tuition, and parents pay what they canafïord. The two teachers' salaries vary accord-ing to what is available.The work of MIRIAM BROFSKY, MF A' 67,was on exhibit recently at the Jacques Selig-mann Galleries in New York City, in a showentitled "Four New Corners."FRANK WOOD, JD'67, director of opérationsand programming for WDAI, a rock/underground FM station in Chicago, has been namedpermanent host of "Point/Counterpoint," aradio discussion show broadcast on WLS ( theAM affiliate of WDAI ) from midnight Sundaysto 5 a.m. Mondays.A W willie davis, mba'68, former All-Prodéfensive liner for Green Bay who nowruns a Schlitz béer distributorship in LosAngeles, might hâve been the first black manhired as head coach by any major university."Let there be no mistake," says sports writerRed Smith. "Harvard came looking for WillieDavis; he did not seek the job." If he hadn'tbacked off ( because of moral and financialcommitments ) , says Smith, "it would hâvebeen good for Harvard, good for the IvyLeague, good for America, good for the humanrace and a hard sacrifice for Willie."EVA FROST KAHANA, PhD' 68, a psychol-ogist who is principal investigator for theElderly Care Research Center at WashingtonUniversity, St. Louis, is listed as the state ofMissouri award winner, Outstanding YoungWomen of America, 1970. Also the 1970winner of the Southwest Psychologists' Asso-ciation's publishers prize for research excellence, Dr. Kahana is the récipient of tworesearch grants to study the institutionalizedaged. She is a member of University Prof essorsfor Peace in the Middle East.MARIO P. DE FIGUEIREDO, MBA'68, OUghttd hâve no trouble satisf ying his sweet toothas the new vice président of research and de velopment for Hollywood Brands, a divisionof Consolidated Foods Corporation, Centralia,111., which makes and markets candy bars. Anative of Goa, the former Portuguese community in India, Dr. de Figueiredo in 1970 wasnamed the "Outstanding New Citizen of theYear" by the Citizenship Council of Chicago.A rv MARCUS FELSON, AB'69, doctoral can-y didate at the University of Michigan,has placed first in the American Associationfor Public Opinion Research compétition forhis essay "The Social Basis of Political Protest:The Wallace Vote in Districts Outside theSouth." His prize was $ 1 00 plus a trip to theannual AAPOR conférence held during May inPasadena, Calif.SUSAN GROSSER, AB'69, began working inJune for the Israël Institute for TransportationPlanning in Tel Aviv. Until then she workedas a community organizer on a volunteer prograrn similar to the Peace Corps in KiryatShmona, Israël, a development town of about1 6,000 located on the Lebanese border.*J{\ DAYTON WOOD DATLOWE, PhD'70, is/ doing research on low energy particlesat the University of California, La Jolla.KRIN GABBARD, AB'70, is winner of the first$1,000 George S. Kaufman award of theDramatist Guiid Fund, Inc., New York, forplays he wrote while an undergraduate at UC.Part of a six-college award prograrn inaugu-rated by the Guild in 1969, the Kaufmanaward will be granted annually to a UC student, providing sufficient funds are availableand a suitable candidate is nominated by theUniversity. Mr. Gabbard wrote three plays asa student, the first of which, The Stopgap,based upon what happened to a f riend who"well, you see, he got this girl in trouble," wasproduced in 1969 at Eastern Illinois University. Mr. Gabbard directed his second play,The Throne, a mime-ritual inspired by theplight of a paraplégie friend confined to awheelchair, at UC last May. The Black Market,his third effort, has yet to be produced. "Ireally don't know what I'm going to do withthe money," he told a Chicago Daily Newsinterviewer recently, "but the award has en- couraged me greatly. I feel almost a duty tocontinue writing now, although I've decidedagainst taking a degree in playwriting [he iscurrently a graduate student in comparativeliterature at Indiana University] , simply because I don't think it can be taught."RICK STEINER, MBA'70, making an unsatis-factory go of the corporate job interview routeabout a year ago spring, knew next to nothingabout video taping when he first saw theChicago production of Groove Tube. GrooveTube really got to him, so he read and readabout the potential of video tapes, talked withtape manuf acturers, and finally went to NewYork to purchase the Groove Tube rights forBoston. Now being produced at the VideoThéâtre, which is owned and operated by Mr.Steiner and friend Julie Waxman, GrooveTube has been cracking up Bostonians, andearning the critics' praise to boot, since lastDecember. A seventy-two-minute pastiche ofvideo-taped entertainment, the show is ahilarious bag of satire that pokes fun at themédium to which it owes its existence and includes such bits of raunch as the Sex Olympics,with a couple of off-screen commentatorsdescribing the action in the manner of TVsportscasters.m T KURT VONNEGUT, JR., who studied/ anthropology years and years ago at UC,has finally been awarded an officially signed,sealed and delivered degree— AM' 71— from theUniversity. "I did everything but write athesis," writes Mr. Vonnegut. "Out of the blue,I was notified that the Department of Anthropology had decided that Cat's Cradle wasanthropology, and that I could now hâve aMaster's Degree. Ain't that sweet?"Picture CréditsVirgil Burnett: cover, 24-30Sander Wood Engraving: 33Orlando Gabanban: 45Lynn Martin: art direction and design43^Annual IndexThe University of Chicago Magazine Volume LXIIINov/Dec '70 A Day with Robert Ardrey( Chicago Books and Authors )Mar/Apr '71 Cabinet Meeting in ChicagoJuly/Oct '70 Call Back Yesterday( Reunion 1970 and a Memory Album )Mar/Apr '71 Call Back Yesterday— Again(A Ferris Wheel /Reunion '70 Reprise)Mar/Apr '7i Danny Lyon Photograph PortfolioMar/Apr '7i Joyce Newman ( Profile )Jan / Feb '7i Mallorca Conquers Alumni,Clifford G. MassothJuly/Oct '70 Morality versus Complexity,Andrew M. GreeleyNov/Dec '70 Moving: To the New Regenstein Library(drawings by Franklin McMahon) ;to the New Press Offices (Morris Philips on)Jan / Feb '71 On a New Domestic Function,Yaffa DrazninMar/Apr "71 Peaceful Expansionism in Japan,Akira IriyeMay/Jun '7i Poem Portfolio,illustrated by Virgil BurnettJuly/Oct '70 Soaring,Melvin L. GoldmanNov/Dec '70 The "Available" University,Thomas SowellJan / Feb '71 The Drug Thing,Peter GlankoffNov/Dec '70 The New Masters, Wayne C. Booth,Kenneth Northcott, Walter WalkerJuly/Oct '70 The New Newsman,Paul GappJan / Feb '71 The Power to Be a University,Wayne C. BoothMay/Jun '7i The Prospects for Peace in the Middle East,Léonard BinderMay/Jun '71 The Prospects for Révolution,Ralph W. ConantNov/Dec '70 The Silent Majority: Myth and Reality,Sidney VerbaMar/Apr '71 The State of the University,Edward H. LeviMar/Apr '71 What Does It Mean, Number Three?,D. Gale Johnson With eyes on the world, ail way s,the façade of Pierce Tower, handsomedormit or y on 55th and University.44;*î^ X^BMMi m 1