THEUniversity RecordOFTHE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGOFOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLERVol. VIII SEPTEMBER, 1903 No. 5CONVOCATION NUMBERCONTENTSPAGEThe Problem of the Races. By John Temple Graves I2I-I34The Statement of the Acting President, Dean HarryPratt Judson ------- I35-I4IThe Reynolds Club ------ I42-I49The Librarian's Accession Report - 149PUBLISHED MONTHLY BY£be Tanivereit^ of CbicaaoANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION SINGLE COPIESONE DOLLAR ENTERED AT CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, AS SECOND-CLASS MATTERAUGUST 13, 1902, UNDER THE ACT OF JULY IS, 1894. TEN CENTSVOLUME VIII NUMBER 5University RecordSEPTEMBER, 1903THE PROBLEM OF THE RACES.1BY JOHN TEMPLE GRAVES,Atlanta, 6a.Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen:Permit me in the beginning to acknowledgethe courtesy which gives me access to a platform so noble and to an audience so distinguished as this.All sections of our common country paytribute to the merit and equipment of this splendid University. Its work is playing a mightypart in the educational uplift of the times. Itsrecord has been notable among the forces whichhave given us a reunited country. The stateand the section from which I come have madetheir yearly vital contribution to its student roll,and the superb beneficence of the founder,joined to the noble liberality of citizens of Chicago, and to the consecrated talent and attainments of its Faculty, have made an institutionso virile in life, so comprehensive in character,and so national in scope that it has come, whileyet in early youth, to be the alma mater of thesections and the pride of the republic.Fortunate am I and happy in that I bring theconvictions of this hour to a platform so freeand to an atmosphere so impartial. Questionsof abstract policy — problems of humanity —bearing a hint of section or a complication ofparty are not for the ears of faction or for thepassions of politics. Upon the fierce and heated1 Delivered on the occasion of the Forty-eighth QuarterlyConvocation of the University held in the Quadrangles,September 3, 1903. bosom of established prejudice the cold streamof reason falls too frequently to steam andhissing, and men who have convictions that arerather definite than popular may thank God forthe calmer air of universities, and for the clearand unbiased minds of students seeking truth.It is here and here only that problems of dutyand of destiny can find a fair hearing and a freesolution in the tranquil temper and unfetteredvision of republican youth.Upon this dear presumption I hasten to mywork.The problem which I bring to you today isyours as well as mine. Whoever you are andfrom whatever section you come, the problem isyours — inherited from the fathers and handeddown to the sons — with complications increasing so rapidly and difficulties multiplying sofast that every instinct of prudence and everysuggestion of safety plead for its prompt andfull consideration while it may yet be solved — aproblem for the whole country, because it cannot be settled by a section; and a problem forthis generation, because in this generation itmust inevitably reach its crisis and advance inpromise or decline in evil presage to its conclusion.The thinkers of the Old World, from Gladstone and Bismarck, through James Bryce andArthur Balfour, to Chamberlain and Crispi,viewing our country from the vantage groundof distance, have with one voice proclaimed thisthe first and foremost problem of our nationallife,121122 UNIVERSITY BECOBDThe thinkers of our own world who see theproblem clearly are appalled at the comprehensive danger of its elements, and amazed atthe apathy of their countrymen toward it.Will you bear with me, then, while I statethis problem briefly and as fairly as I can ?The Civil War of the sixties was the tragedyof the nineteenth century. Its real cause datedback to constitutional constructions and to theirrepressible conflict over the nature of the compact framed by the fathers. Its provoking incident, its precipitating cause, was slavery.A republic of w^hite men, living in a countrydeveloped and established by sturdy colonists ofthe Anglo-Saxon race, prospering under a constitution framed by white men — for the authorof the Declaration was a slaveholder — flourishing magnificently under institutions molded bytheir united brains, cemented by their commonblood, and sanctified by their common patriotism — fell at outs over a black man brought fromsavage Africa and sold from trading ships tobondage and slavery, first in Massachusetts, andafterwards in the South. We do not halt hereto wrangle over the mooted responsibility of hisbringing, or the causes of his subsequent concentration in one section of the country. Hecame, he drifted, and he divided us. Agitators,sincere but passionate, raised the question of hisliberty. The sections divided in interest andsentiment upon the issue, and over his blackbody brethren of a white race and of a commonglorious heritage went to war.Of equal valor, but of unequal numbers, themen of the North and the men of the Southgrappled for four years at each other's throats ;and for this black man of Africa the white menof America sacrificed a million heroic lives andspent $12,000,000,000 of their money.Whether it were worth the colossal sacrifice,history, and one hundred thousand brokenhomes, must in time declare. And whether thesacrifice were vain and profitless, history andthe unsolved problem must also say. From the unequal contest one section emergedvictorious, and the other section lingered solemnand broken in defeat.The first act of the victor was to free theslaves. The next act of the victor was to makethe black man, just now a slave, a citizen andthe equal of his master. There were four million black men then. There are nine millionnow, and seven million in the South.Here, then the equations start:Two opposite, unequal, and antagonistic racesare set side by side for government and destiny.One of these, by the record, is the strongest raceon earth ; the other, by the record, is the weakest race on earth. One, a race whose achievements make in large part the history of theworld ; the other, a race which in all its annalshas written no history, built no monuments,made no books, and recorded no achievement,and whose only progress has been from contactwith the stronger race. One, a race, proud,progressive, dominant, and historically free;the other, a race that came out of centuries ofsavagery into centuries of slavery, and wastransplanted in one tropical and unnatural nightfrom barbarism and slavery into liberty and fullequality. One, a live, vital, twentieth-centuryrace, pulsing the hope and progress of theworld; the other, a race without a record,undeveloped, untrained, but lately slaves, andat the utmost a seventh-century civilization.There they are — master and slave, civilizedand half-civilized, strong and weak, conqueringand servile, twentieth-century and seventh-century — thirteen hundred years apart — set bya strange and incomprehensible edict of statesmanship or of passion, set by the constitutionand the law, the weakest race on earth and thestrongest race on earth, side by side on equalterms to bear an equal part in the conduct andresponsibility of the greatest government thewTorld ever saw !It was an experiment without a precedentin history and without a promise in the annalsof man.UNIVERSITY RECORD 123Impracticable in abstract form, the proposition is rendered impossible by its complications*The master race keenly resents the sudden elevation and the forced equality of their slaves.The victorious section eagerly demands the trial,and desires the success, of its experiment. Themaster race, from long contact and close association, carries the ineradicable conviction ofthe inherent and incurable inferiority and incapacity of the black man. The victor section,reasoning from abstract philanthropy at thedistance of a thousand miles, cherishes a fixedfaith in the unity of race and the equality ofman. Sectional jealousies compass the experiment with bitterness. Partisan politics complicate it with selfish schemes. Frequent crimesand recurring violence distort it with passion.And behind it all, openly confessed in one section, and only half denied in the other section,there lives and breathes in both races and inall sections, the deep, uncircumscribed, andapparently ineradicable prejudice of oppositeraces, which renders union and sympathy andfull co-operation hopeless and out of the question forever.So that the problem is one of irreconcilableelements. It is one of impossible conditions.Stated in a sentence, this is the problem : Howthe strongest of races and the weakest of races,thirteen hundred years apart in civilization, unequal in history and development, incongruous,unassimilable and inherently antagonistic, tossedbetween party schemes and sectional jealousies,irritated by racial conflicts and misled by mistaken philanthropy, can live on equal termsunder exactly the same laws and share onequal terms in the same government — when noother races, opposite and antagonistic, have evershared, in peace and tranquility, since the worldbegan, any country or any government createdby God or fashioned by man.This is the question that the times are calledto answer. This is the riddle that the twentieth century is asked to read. This is the experiment that the temporizing statesmanship of acivil revolution has forced upon the age.The statement of the proposition carries itscondemnation, and the equations must bechanged before the problem can be solved.The experiment has had thirty-eight years oftrial, backed by the power of the federal government and by the sympathy of the world. It hasfailed. From the beginning to the hour thatholds us, it has failed. The races are widerapart and more antagonistic than they were in1865. There is less of sympathy and more oftension lhan the races have known since theterrible days of reconstruction made chaos inthe South. The Fifteenth Amendment is practically repealed. In nearly every state of hisnumerical habitation the negro is disfranchisedunder the forms of law. In all the states wherehis ballot is a menace to white supremacy it isrestrained. With all these years and all theseforces at his back, there has been an utter failureto establish the negro in a satisfactory and self-reliant position under the law. Four decadesafter his emancipation he is in point of fact lessa freeman and infinitely less a citizen than hewas in 1868. The tumult of the times about usproclaim the continued existence and the unreconciled equations of the problem that hemakes ; and in the common judgment of mankind the legend FAILURE is written large andlowering above the tottering fabric of his civilrights.And yet the experiment goes on. Unchanging and unlearning, the republic gropes insolemn stupidity, in helpless apathy, in misguided philanthropy, through ceaseless complications and hopeless precedent to the hopelessand preordained conclusion. The experimentgoes on.I ask you, men and women of this University,to consider with me the difficulties which thisvast problem entails and the mighty reasons124 UNIVERSITY RECORDwhich, for the sake of both races, sternly andimperatively require its solution.To the white man this problem means division. It imperils national unity. It always hasdone so. It always will do so. From the Philadelphia convention to the present hour the negrohas always been a bone of contention. North,East, and West, the sections tolerate in tranquility divisions of trade and sentiment, andclasp hands everywhere without suspicion ordistrust. But a Chinese wall of prejudice shutsout the South on this question from the sympathy of the American people and althoughfraternal platitudes may cross it, and politicalaffiliations may scale it, and commercial interchange may run its electric wires under andabove it, and although but recently militaryloyalty has seemed to shatter it, this wall stands,in the sight of God and of nations, and hedgesin the South as a separate and peculiar people,hindered with misapprehension, held aloof inprejudice, and fretted by a criticism which, ifsometimes founded in philanthropy, is too oftenexpressed in passion and answered in bitterness.And so long as the problem stands the oldslave states of the South, unwillingly, protest-ingly, despairingly, and yet inevitably, must beand will be the continuing gap in the magnificent line of our national unity.To the white man of the South the problemhampers its material development. It halts ourgrowth. By the records of the census itfrightens immigration from industrial competition with the negro. It largely deters capitalfrom investment in the shadow of an unsolvedproblem. It makes a standard of labor thatprejudices all our southern poor against menialbut honorable service. It depresses agricultureon the farms and property in the suburbs, anddrives all who can afford the change to thesafety afforded by proximity and police protection in the cities. The South is unequaled inthe four great basic raw materials of coal, iron, cotton, and lumber. And yet, while $100,000,-000 of our money goes yearly to Europe at 4 percent., these great fields are scantily developed.And thus, while one great section of our country is halted in development, the free movementof men and money in all sections is hinderedtoward the inviting field of opportunity.It is a problem of moral decay. It demoralizes politics. Wherever a black supremacy isthreatened through a black majority the blackballot is strangled without reserve in the blackhands that hold it against the safety of thestate. This is wrong. It is illegal. It is monstrous. But it is true. It is true in Georgia.It is true in South Carolina. Aye, and it wouldbe true in Massachusetts and in Illinois. Putyourself, men of Illinois, in the place of thepeople you perhaps condemn. Suppose that bythe steady drift of emigration the negro hadcome from the South to be a majority in everycongressional district, in every legislative precinct, and in every municipal ward of Illinois.Suppose that, realizing this majority, he hadorganized to utilize it. Suppose that you lookedforward, in the next election, not only to theprobability, but to the absolute certainty, thatthe next governor of Illinois would be a negro ;that you would have two negroes in the UnitedStates Senate to take the places of Hopkins andof Cullom ; that you would have a solid negrodelegation in Congress ; a legislature at Springfield looking like a blackbird pie ; negro judgeson the bench ; negro solicitors in your courts ;negro mayors in your chairs, and negro policemen on your streets — let me ask you, man ofIllinois, with your pride in the past glories andyour confidence in the future achievements ofyour historic state — let me ask you, if, in theshadow of this threat and danger, the streets ofSpringfield and Chicago, and the woods andprairies of Illinois, would not be filled witheager white men asking how the South suppressed the negro vote?UNIVERSITY RECORD 125And will you answer that frank question, manof Illinois, or man of Massachusetts, like anhonest Caucasian and like an Anglo-Saxongentleman ?But the stern and solemn necessity does notcure the moral stain. The deadliest influencethat can compass a popular government is inthe decay of the spirit that hedges the ballotwith sanctity. The ballot is the palladium ofour liberties. The ballot is sacred. A crimeagainst the ballot is a stab at the constitution,and the necessity which makes the ballot thesport of conditions must be removed if therepublic shall survive. And yet the problemshows no promise on this line. We might aswell be honest here. We might as well facestern facts with fearless frankness. I do notsay it is right. I know it is wrong. I do notdefend. I do not justify. I do not argue it atall. But I am simply here to tell you plainly,definitely, resolutely, from the fulness and certainty of knowledge, that which you alreadyknow, and that which under reversed conditionsyou would unquestionably endorse — that therewill never come a change in these suppressionswhile these conditions last.Never, never in a thousand years will thenegro, North or South, be allowed to govern inthis republic, even where his majorities areplain. We might as well fix this fact in ourminds to stay. No statute can eradicate, nopublic opinion can remove, no armed force canoverthrow, the inherent, invincible, indestructible, and, if you will, the unscrupulous capacityand determination of the Anglo-Saxon race torule.It is only the knife of surgery that can curethis poison in the bo_dy and the bones of politics.Under the shadow of the problem our politicsmust and will be stained.Good government at this point, and whereverthis black ballot is counted, is threatened, too,in its integrity by the growing numbers and the increasing venality of this mercenary and irresponsible and ever purchasable vote, prolific ofcorruption, balancing between factions, andholding the mighty power of decision in tremendous issues at the beck of a tribe or theswell of a savage prejudice.The problem also throttles political independence in the South. We have been ready therefor years to divide on party lines. We do notdare to do it. With the white race divided, thenegro is held up once more to the ballot boxand becomes the balance of power in the policiesof the time. We have our separate and divergent convictions on economic issues. We crushthese under the iron heel of necessity. We haveour varying interests that would naturally beexpressed in opposing politics. We sacrificethese material issues to the greater stake. Andthe great people of the South, dominated andsolidified by the fear of this unwholesome balance, are whipped, protesting, into line behindexpediency, and forced to compulsory unionin a single party. The education of the hustings, the friction of ideas, the vigilant watchfulness of jealous partisanship, and the politicalliberty of the thinker and of the voter, are alllost in the shadow of the somber apprehension.In a land of light and liberty, in an age ofenlightenment and law, the women of the Southare prisoners to danger and to fear. While yourwomen may walk from suburb to suburb andfrom township to township, without escort andwithout alarm, there is not a woman of theSouth — wife or daughter — who would be permitted or who would dare to walk at twilightunguarded through the residence streets of apopulous town or to ride the out side highwaysat midday. The terror of the twilight deepenswith the darkness, and in the rural regionsevery farmer leaves his home with apprehension in the morning and thanks God when hecomes from the fields at evening to find allwrell with the women of his home. For behind126 UNIVERSITY RECORDthe prejudice of race stalks the fiend of lust,and behind the rapist thunders the mob — engine of vengeance, monstrous, lawless, deplorable, but, under the uncured defects of the law,the fiery terror of the criminal and the chiefdefense of woman.This is also a problem of justice. Fair asour designs, and equitable as our verdicts, astested by the highest courts, the prejudice ofrace inevitably poisons law and tempts justice,from the jury's box to the judge's bench.It is a problem of religious unity — separatingbrethren and dividing usefulness. For morethan one great religious body in this country,cherishing a common creed, believing in oneLord, one faith, one baptism, are sundered andset in separate and sectional camps by the clashof convictions here.It is a problem of numbers. Four millionslaves were freed. There are nine millionnegroes now. The problem grows in difficultywith marvelously increasing numbers and ismagnified in vitality by delay. If antagonismsnow so fundamental are not softened, if prejudices now so serious are not healed, then thefuture darkens, and we shall enter with swollennumbers upon a period of strife and wranglein whose perils our present troubles will notbe remembered. Optimism is easy. Optimismis popular. But the logic of conditions is ominous with warning, and it is braver to be honestand wiser to be prepared.Here, then, the issues : Unity of the republic,material development, purity of politics, political independence, respect for the ballot, reverence for the constitution, the safety of ourhomes, the sanctity of our women, the supremacy of law, the sacredness of justice, theintegrity of race, and the unity of the church.There is not a phase of our civilization, thereis not a principle of our race, there is not afundamental of society, that is not wrapped inthe hopeless tangle which this problem weaves. These are difficulties which compass thewhite man of the South. Heaven knows theyare serious enough.But what of the negro? It would be crueland unkind to cast up the balances of this greataccount without considering him. I speak therepresentative sentiment of the South when Isay that we would not come to the consideration of this tremendous issue without a highand humane consideration for the negro. Howdoes the problem come to him, and what doesthe future hold?"Will the white man permit the negro tohave an equal part in the industrial, political,social, and civil advantages of the UnitedStates? This, as I understand it, is the question which involves his life and destiny.These words come from a negro — the wisest,the most thoughtful, and the most eloquentnegro of his time — as discreet as Washington,a deeper thinker, and a much more eloquentman. But for one hour of the Atlanta exposition, Council, of Huntsville, might stand todaywhere Washington of Tuskegee stands — as therecognized leader of his race.This question, asked by Council, as the deliberate representative of his people, is the coreof the negro problem.The answer to it is in every white man'sheart, even if it does not lie openly on everywhite man's lips. It may be expressed indiplomacy; it may be veiled in indirection; itmay be softened in philanthropy: it may beguarded in politic utterance, and oftenest ofall it is restrained by ultra conservatism andpersonal timidity. But wherever the answerto this vital question comes, stripped of verbiage and indirection, it rings like a martial buglein the single syllable — "No!"This may not be right, but it is honest. Itmay not be just, but it is evident. It maynot be politic, but it is a great, glaring, indisputable, indestructible fact. North and SouthUNIVERSITY RECORD 127the answer, wherever it is honest, is the same.I agree with Albion Tourgee that there are notten thousand men in the republic who cananswer that question in the affirmative. Councilknows the answer and states it with the courageof a man. Bishop Turner knows it; BishopHolsey knows it ; Bryden and Bruce and Taylor knew it; the Chicago papers know it; Ithink that Booker T. Washington knows itsadly in his heart, and I believe that everythoughtful gentleman who strips theory fromthe bare form of fact knows it — here and everywhere.This is from first to last a race problem. Itis an issue of race and not of politics. It is athing of skin and type, and not of section orcondition. It is a part of the universal problem. The history of man has been writtenin race antagonism and in race separation.The Hebrew and Egyptian, the Jew and thegentile, the Turk and the Christian, Magyarand Hungarian, Venetian and Moor, Mexicanand Texan, negro and Chinaman, white manand Indian — the repulsion is the same.A thousand years have not removed theprejudice against the Jew, who is the aristocratof history. How then, shall the negro hopeto conquer where the Jew has failed? Thisrace prejudice has no sectional lines. It isheld in no geographical boundaries. Everyissue of the leading negro papers published inthe North reeks with protest against the discriminations exercised throughout the Northagainst the negro race. Boston, the metropolisof abolition, will not employ negroes in thedepartment stores. Nor will Chicago. TheBoston Globe received a formal social protestagainst the employment of a negro reporter onits local staff. The sister's son of WendellPhillips, rich with the evangel blood of emancipation, refused to associate with a negro inHarvard University. Fred Douglas in his lastspeech declared that only one white man in allthe ranks of the abolitionists had ever permitted him to forget in his presence that he was anegro. There are 40,000 negroes in Ohio,Pennsylvania, and New York. Where is theoffice that they hold, or the station of trustand profit that they fill ? In Mr. Crumpacker'sstate of Indiana they lynch negroes almost asfrequently and upon much less provocation thanin Georgia. A riot raised on race prejudicereddened the central avenues of New York.Chicago citizens chased a negro through thecentral streets, ready with a rope to visit capitalpunishment for theft. Boston elected a negroby accident to her common council, and thenoffered him $10,000 to remove his offensivecolor from the chamber in which he served.Race prejudice is as old as the world andas everlasting as the hills, and this prejudice —deep, uncircumscribed and uneradicable — sitslike a shadow on the future of the weaker race.It makes the core of his problem, and it answersCouncil's earnest question with an inexorable"No!"Under this prejudice the negro can never,North or South, be received in equal social andpersonal relations with the families of the whiterace, and can never, therefore, be a social equalwith the white man.Under this prejudice he will never, North orSouth, be permitted to govern in any state orcountry, even where he has a majority, andhe can never, therefore, be a political equal.If he can have, then, neither social nor political equality — and every fact and all theoryand all instinct and every unbroken precedentdeclare that he cannot — then he can never underthese conditions reach the full development ofa citizen or the full stature of a man. If heremains in this country, he must remain as aninferior, and his suffrage becomes a mockeryand his liberty a farce.It is a problem for the negro because he cannever compete with Anglo-Saxon civilization.Once more I recall that his is the weakest andours the strongest race on earth. Our majority128 UNIVERSITY RECORDis 60,000,000, and we have a thousand yearsthe start of him. No race has ever competedsuccessfully with the Saxon, and where is thehope of the negro? In politics, in society, inindustry, and in trade there is no well-foundedhope for the inferior race. History without abreak, and precedent without a variation, proclaim this to be true. There is not a line oflight or promise of equality for him in any field.This is the core of my contention — the basisof my argument. All our splendid platitudesare wrecked on this stern fact. All our bravephilanthropies heat out their beautiful liveson this inexorable truth: The negro fronts ahopeless and unequal competition!There he stands, that helpless and unfortunate inferior. For his sake the one differencehas widened between the sections of our common country. Over his black body we haveshed rivers of blood and treasure to emphasizeour separate convictions of his destiny. Andyet, as the crimson tide rolls away into theyears, we realize that all this blood and treasureand travail was spent in vain, and that thenegro, whom a million Americans died to free,is in present bond and future promise still aslave, whipped by circumstance, trodden underfoot by iron and ineradicable prejudice; shutout forever from the opportunities which arethe heritage of liberty, and holding in his blackhand the hollow parchment of his franchise asa free man looks through a slave's eyes at theimpassable barriers which imprison him foreverwithin the progress and achievement of a dominant and all-conquering race.By the whole unbroken record of Anglo-Saxon history, I swear that this is true.Two things seem clear, then, in relation tothe race problem. In its present status it compasses the progress of the white man withdemoralization and difficulty that puts his verycivilization in peril and disrepute.In its present status it wraps the negro'sdestiny in unequal competition and leaves him helpless under the weight of a prejudice universal, unlifting, unchanging, and overwhelming.Shall this experiment go on?Will education soften these conditions andbring the experiment to success? Seriousthinkers deeply question this. By the recordof the census, the negro's criminality hasincreased as his illiteracy has decreased, andhis race antagonism has grown with his intelligence. Education brings light, and light perception, and with quickened faculties the negrosees the difference between his real and hisconstitutional status in the republic. He seesthat neither worth nor merit nor attainmentcan overcome the world-wide repulsion of typeand color; and, seeing this, he is moved torebellious protest and sometimes to violent revenge. Education spoils the laborer and makesinevitably, and logically, and laudably the aspirant for social and political equalities which havebeen and will be forever denied him by theruling race. Education develops wants whichcannot be supplied and aspirations which nevercan be met. Industrial education will not winwhere mental education has failed. The handh not greater than the head. Industrial competition will make a sterner struggle with thesuperior people. The battle of the loaf willbe the deadliest and most destructive contestof the races.Will the formal repeal of the FifteenthAmendment cut the core from the politicalproblem, an develop peace? I do not thinkso. The elimination of the negro from politicswould remove him from strife and wrangle,and destroy the sectional bitterness with whichhis history has divided the republic. Butit would cut hope and motive and ambitionfrom his horizon, and leave him sunken anddegraded, with nothing to live for but hiscreature comfort and his lust.Will religion heal the problem and lose theprejudice of race in the brotherhood of man?UNIVERSITY RECORD 129Not this side of the millennium — not beforethe coming of Christ — will human natureundergo the regeneration that will bring thisresult to pass. If the spirit of Christ could pervade the world — if the devil of prejudice couldbe held in bondage for a thousand years —when the world is the new heaven; when manis everywhere the image of his Maker — thesethings may then be solved in the alembic ofreligion. But "ifs" are intangible, "whens" areimmaterial, and both are millennial. For whenthese "ifs" are materialized into "is'es," andthese "whens" are crystallized into "nows,"then, indeed, this corruptible shall have put onincorruption, and this mortal shall have put onimmortality in the land where prejudice is endedand problems have no place.Can the strong race lift up the weaker to itslevel? Not in contact, not in proximity.Never. In the long, slow process the higherwould inevitably sink nearer to the level ofthe lower race. Inferior races absorb the vicesrather than the virtues of the superior race.The Hawaiian has degenerated in health andmorals by contact with the English-speakingrace. The Turanian and Tasmanian racesperished by contact with higher civilization.The Maoris and New Zealanders suffered so,and the noble red man is today a besottedwretch perishing in the white heat of a civilization for which he was never designed. Notin equal relations, not side by side, can thehigher race reform the lower. Apart and separate, by missionary and evangel, by exampleand by counsel, we may help an inferior raceto be helpful, self-reliant, and free. But notunder the shadow of our robust and stalwartsins, or under the iron weight of our all-conquering evils. History stamps discouragement on the theory everywhere.May God keep this great Caucasian peoplefrom the poison of a "mongrel" blood !Is there any other remedy? Is there anyother balm in Gilead? Is there any healing here? Not within my vision, and not withinthe records of experience. Try all these remedies — test them all as they have all been testedand mocked in the trials of the years. Tryany new remedy that wisdom or quackery maypropose. And when we have tried them all,and have failed in all, as we are failing andwill forever fail, it may be that Almighty God,the last imminent factor in the destiny ofnations, will strike the scales from our blindedeyes and lead us by elimination and higherlogic to see the remedy — the only remedy —His remedy.For on the single occasion when the skieswere parted for light upon the problem of thewrangling races, Almighty God reached downto Egypt and by the definite way of separationled the Jews, his chosen people, over seas ofdifficulty and through wildernesses of doubt totheir promised land.Separation of the races is the way — the onlyway. If God "hath made of one blood all thenations of the earth," he hath also "establishedunto them the metes and bounds of their habitation!" He did not intend that opposite andantagonistic races should live together. Theprejudice of race is a pointing of providence,and the antagonism of peoples is the fixedpolicy by which God peoples the different portions of the universe and establishes the individuality of the nations. The act that broughtthese people together on this continent was asin of the fathers — a sin of greed, an iniquityof trade — and the sorrow and suffering of thepresent is for the sin of the past — a sin againstnature and a sin against God. The curse canbe lifted only when nature is vindicated andGod is obeyed. The problem will be solvedonly when the negro is restored to the "boundsof his habitation."The wisdom of our wise men has fallen inline with the wisdom of the Almighty. Someof the greatest names and greatest hearts in allour history have thought and said that separa-130 UNIVERSITY RECORDtion was the logical, the inevitable, the onlysolution. Daniel Webster said so. ThomasJefferson said so most definitely and eloquently.Edward Everett said so: James Madison saidso. Henry Clay believed and said it. Twicein his glorious and illustrious lifetime, Abraham Lincoln, who did not believe in the negroas a citizen and a voter, moved in his publicstation toward a definite plan of separation.By the sending of Thomas Fortune to the Philippines, President Roosevelt is, inferentially atleast, in consideration of a similar plan. HenryGrady believed in it. Bishop Turner is its openadvocate. Blyden and Council and Taylor, andthe ablest leaders of the race, are said to favorit; and I think that Booker Washington inhis heart knows that neither worth nor meritnor achievement will ever bridge the impassable barrier of race prejudice, and that, whenthe last arrow of his noble but hopeless efforthas been shot, it must come to this at last.We have temporized for forty years uponthis problem. In the exhaustion of all ourexpedients, in the failure of all our theories,and in the providence of God, we have comeat last to the parting of the ways.There is not a hope in fact or reason for thenegro outside of separation.There is no peace, no purity, no tranquil development, no durable prosperity, and no moralgrowth for the white race outside of separation.It is neither impossible nor impracticable.The elements are willing and the way is inreach. This is not a day of impossibilities. Tothe genius, the energy, and the necessities ofthis age all things are possible. Every daysees the business world, the educational world,the political world converting the impossibleinto the possible. The hand of the Almighty issteadily opening the way.It is a day of large things, a day of magnificent enterprises, a day of colossal movementseverywhere.England has offered a kingdom tract in Africa to the Jews of the world. The Zionistcongress in Switzerland has met the offer, andthe children of Israel— God's chosen people —scattered for centuries through all the world,will come trooping back to re-establish Israelas a nation and to make a New Jerusalem uponthe earth. Wonderful and inspiring spectacle!Is there anything so wonderful, so marvelous,as this in the proposition to establish a compact, gregarious, and comparatively docile raceof negroes in a state or country of their own?Is the expense appalling? Is the cost prohibitive? England again offers an example.England, our mother-country — England, nextto ourselves, the greatest and most enlightenedgovernment under the sun — England has justput its hand into its pocket to expend $500,000,-000 in order to buy out the Irish landlords andto heal the otherwise incurable running sore ofIrish discontent. Wonderful liberality! Wonderful statesmanship!We are as rich as England — richer thanEngland, and twice as rich as any other kingdom in the world. We have as great a stake,as tremendous a necessity, in this negro problem as England had with Ireland. We havealready expended $1,000,000,000 in the futileeffort to make the negro free. If England, justout of the war in Africa, can expend $500,000,-000 to solve its Irish problem, then surely thegreatest of republics, in this era of peace andunparalleled prosperity — at the acme of itswealth, at the zenith of its greatness andpower — can well afford to put a few hundredmillions into the solution of the vital problemof its races — a problem demoralizing to onerace and hopeless for another; a problem thatmenaces unity, purity, and peace. Liberalityin this emergency is superb economy.The argument of analogy would seem conclusive.Somewhere, and in some way, if the races areto separate, there must be found a place forthe negro, a plan of separation, an inducement,UNIVERSITY RECORD 131and the consent of the elements involved.Briefly and in fragmentary outline, let us consider these.In the matter of location. Follow first theinferential line of the president of the UnitedStates — the Philippines. Thomas Fortune'smission was said to be successful. His reportwas published that the Philippine soil andclimate was suited to the negro, that the territory was ample and that on one of these islandshe believed the fortunes of the negro and thenative might be worked out side by side. Itmay be that the islands of the sea were placedby Providence in our keeping to furnish ananswer to the problem of the times. The repatriation of Africa is the sentimental ideal ofthe advocates of separation — to go back to theDark Continent from which they came, carrying the light, the law, and the gospel of thegreat republic, after two centuries of touch,and side by side with the children of Israelto establish anew the merits and the mission of an unfortunate race. If there be thosewho would oppose on philanthropic groundsthe sending of the negro so far out of reach ofhelp and regulation, there is land to be had athome. Lower California might be secured.The lands west of Texas might be had. Butthe government does not need to purchase.Four hundred million acres of government landis yet untaken and undeveloped in the West.Of these vast acres the expert hydrographerof the Interior Department has reported that itis easily possible to redeem by irrigation enoughto support in plenty a population of sixty million people. So that the question of locationis secure. A gregarious race might be settledanywhere within this scope of suggestion witha population not so dense as that of Belgiumand the Netherlands. The cost would varywith the location, but under any conservativeplan it would not be greater than England willspend in Ireland, and not nearly so much asthe Jews for their New Jerusalem. No reasonable or considerate plan would callfor the wholesale or summary deportation ofthe negro. With his consent, and with governmental aid, the movement might proceedslowly and with consideration. The oldernegroes would scarcely care to go. They arepassing rapidly to a land that our problemscannot reach. Within conservative limits, thetransportation even to Africa would be practicable and easy. If only the vessels that broughtforeigners to our shores from 1880 to 1885 hadcarried back to Africa as many negroes as theybrought immigrants to us, not a single blackman, woman, or child would have been left inthe country in 1885! Carl McKinley, theablest and clearest statistician who has everfigured on this line, has made it plain that toinduce the annual emigration of 12,500 child-bearing females of the average age of twentyyears would remove the maternal element ofthe negro race in forty years and leave it easyto carry the remaining part. To remove inforty years all the negroes who are now underthe age of forty years, and to remove theincrease only — all the children who shall beborn within these forty years — would be theremainder of the problem — an easy and practicable task. And the same cool statistician,figuring liberally and counting it as sure thatthe government would do what it unquestionably ought to do, and send these people withsome moneyed provision for their earlier wants,estimates that at $200 a head it would cost only$10,000,000 a year, which is less than one-twelfth of the nation's revenue from its internaltaxes, or in forty years the total cost would be$400,000,000 — or $100,000,000 less than England has just paid for peace and tranquility inIreland. If any of you who hear should careto investigate this phase of the question deeply,and to carry these calculations forward, youwill find Mr. McKinley's book, An Appeal toPharaoh, one of the most instructive and convincing volumes you have ever read.132 UNIVERSITY RECORDOf course, in the event of locating the negroin this country, the cost would be largely butindefinitely reduced.Whether a state or colony should be the formof government would be within the discretionof the statesmen who put this plan into action.If a state, it would have the model and exampleof our own states to shape its plan and government. It might be made a counterpart ofour surrounding states ; for the negro's is animitative mind, and he could not find a noblermodel. If a state, it should be exclusively anegro state. Every office in it, from chiefjustice of the court to coroner of the county,should be held exclusive to the negro race.Every white man should be debarred from rightof franchise or of holding property in that state.It should be — especially if in this country —from first to last a negro state holding itsrights under the constitution — the right to representation in the federal Congress — paying itstaxes to the government, but holding everyright free and unchallenged, equal in every wayto Illinois or Georgia. In the distribution ofthe army there might be placed a federal garrison on its border for protection without andorder within the state.The superb inducement to the negro wouldbe found in the freedom, the individuality, andthe opportunity of an independent commonwealth, in which he would be freed from theunequal competition of a superior people, andgiven a chance to develop a character, and todemonstrate the merits of his leaders and thecapacities of the race.The constraining inducement to go shouldmost unquestionably be given in an amendmentto the constitution which restricted his ballotto the state set apart for him by the generosityof the government. This would be fair. Itwould be equitable. Let no white man vote inthe negro state to harass the negro councils,and let no negro vote in any other state thanhis own. You cannot vote in Georgia; I can not vote in Illinois. The hardship is not greatin view of the tremendous reasons that requireit, and in return for the magnificent advantageswhich compensate it. This provision wouldbe necessary as a controlling inducement forthe change. Every aspiration in the negrorace should set toward the state of his opportunity. And if, with this great goal beforehim, he hesitated to go, or failed in going, itwould be the last crowning proof of the hopeless and remediless inferiority of his people.Never was proposition fairer. Never was compensation nobler to a race. A flag for a fetich ;a country for a prison; and a glorious andunhindered opportunity for the empty mockeryof a ballot, which has been and will be strangledhere forever in his grasp.Will the negro go? I think honestly anddeliberately that he will. The protest of the\ery few well-fed, well-kept, and well- conditioned negroes who surround us here must notblind us to the plea of the helpless and hopeless thousands who see no light in the presentand no hope in their future environment.Many of the ablest and truest leaders of therace are ardent advocates of separation. BishopTurner, the wisest and most conservative leaderof his race, is the advocate and evangel ofa negro republic in Africa. Ten thousandnegroes in Kansas petitioned Congress to appropriate money for a plan of separation. Asa recognized advocate of the plan, I have hadthousands of letters from negroes thanking meand bidding me God-speed with their prayers.Societies have been formed all over the country,some of them doing me the honor to bear myname, to organize the co-operative movementfor a separate state. A circular carrying theplan was put ten years ago into the hands ofone of the ablest and most eloquent negroesof the South. He carried it, not to persuade,but to explain to leading negroes in every section of the country, and out of 5,000 circulars4,500 came back to us bearing the deliberate,UNIVERSITY RECORD 133grateful approval of the best representativesof the negro race. I believe that, fairly presented to his intelligence, fairly appealing tohis love of change, and with a general understanding of its advantages and opportunities, the negro will thank God and blessAmerica for a plan like this.Will the white South be willing for the negroto go?I frankly confess the promise of some opposition to the idea in the South. Paradoxical asit may seem, the South loves the negro — notthe new negro, but the old. In his place andin the relations clearly understood, there is afeeling of affection between the southern whiteman and the better negroes which our friendsto the north of us can never appreciate andnever understand. But the relations of theraces in the South are constantly growing morestrained and unpleasant. The new negro iskilling the relation established by the old negro.Every year the reluctance of the South to partwith the negro is lessened, and the multiplyingcrimes and increasing unthrift of the negro arechanging this reluctance to a positive anxietyfor his departure.The chief opposition in the South would restupon the misapprehension, which you doubtlessshare, that the negro is indispensable to theagriculture and labor conditions of that section.That was once true. It is no longer true. Istate here for the first time a fact which willbe as surprising to the South as it is to you:The negro no longer makes the staple or cerealcrops of the South! The cotton of Texas, ofLouisiana, and of Mississippi is made chiefly bythe white man and not by the negro! Thenegro is no longer an industrial necessity. Thisfact is from the census. It is not as yet published, but it comes straight from an authoritybeyond question in the Labor Bureau at Washington. It is being verified and understood bythe best observers and thinkers of the states;and when that fact — that tremendous fact, now so little understood — becomes generally knownin the country and in the South, then the Southwill stand as solidly for separation as itshumblest representative stands for it here today.And if this means the reduction of our representation in Congress, let that come. Itwould be a temporary loss. The exodus of thenegro will let in the tides of an improved andrestricted immigration, and the working Swede,the thrifty German, and the gallant Irishmanwill come in to renew our political status andto fill the hiatus with a homogeneous people.Will the northern white man be willing forthe negro to go ?The politician, unthinking, and the philanthropist, far-thinking and generally over-thinking, answers, "No!" The masses — the realpeople — answer "Yes!" Recent events haveuncovered a revolution of sentiment in theNorth toward the negro. The masses have beendisillusioned. The idleness, the ingratitude, theinsolence, and the crime of the negro have alienated even his friends. Even the philanthropistsmust be hopeless at least over the unchangedand unchanging conditions which they protest.As for the politicians, they are parrots — echoesof opinions, which they follow, but never make.The masses, in some things at least, are themasters of the politicians — and the masses seethe truth.Standing here today, and standing as I haveso often stood before the real people of theNorth and West, understanding their spirit andtheir temper, I announce before you, withouthesitation and without reserve, that upon thisissue and under the new light which the decadehas brought it, I would be willing with absoluteconfidence to submit to the vote of the realpeople of the North and West the whole questionof the South and the negro — whether that issuebe disfranchisement or whether it be separation !Let the negro continue to settle in the North,as he has done. And if the problem continues,134 UNIVERSITY RECORDit will be our only recourse to persuade him tosettle in these great centers where our brethrenmay share and understand our perplexities.Let the tide continue to drift here — and the daywill come when the laboring masses of theNorth will arise and demand a separation justas sternly as they demanded and secured theexclusion of the Chinese.The philanthropist will grow weary, thetheorist will despair, and the politician in timewill undergo a change of heart. And we allshall come in the fulness of real philanthropy,and in the soundness of real discretion, to seethe only solution — the one remedy — and to follow it in the fear of God and in the faith of thepeople, to prosperity and peace.Ladies and gentlemen, my message is givenand my mission is done. The scope of the discussion is too vast for an hour and too deep fora morning's thought. I have offered the bareelements which your brains and your scholarship must clothe with the form and substance ofmore elaborate truth. May the words whichhave been spoken in weakness be raised instrength, and may you see my people and theirproblem as you have not done before.Let my parting words plead for the harmonyand sympathy which lie for us beyond thisdividing issue. Abraham Lincoln told you in1859 that the Union "could not survive halfslave and half free." I believe with all mymind that if he lived today his noble lips wouldframe again the truth that the Union cannot anylonger live half black and half white — halfslave and half free! This is an issue uponwhich it seems we can never agree.For half a hundred years we have wrangledand fought and bled and died about this blackman from Africa! Is the wrangle worth itsfearful cost? Shall the great northern sectionof our common country always turn its handagainst the great southern section of our country? Shall the young American of the Northsteel his heart against the young American ofthe South over an alien's cause? Shall the children of one blood and of a common gloriousheritage divide in bitterness over a stranger inour midst? Shall the memories of Eutaw andYorktown be obliterated in the recollections ofWilmington and Newnan ? Shall the peace andharmony of this great republic be forever imperiled for the sake of the negro, whose faultsand whose weakness so wonderfully outweighhis virtues and his gratitude? Shall the blackman from Africa hinder and delay the work andthe destiny of our imperial race?Great God! The idea is monstrous and unthinkable! The South is neither cruel nor unpatriotic, and the North knows it. The Northis neither immovable nor vindictive, and thevSouth knows it. If either of us is mistaken, andif both of us are misunderstood, we are yet onepeople, and we must meet upon the plane of ourbrotherhood and our destiny.Men and women of the University, I appealto you who make the future. I appeal forCaucasian unity. I appeal for the imperial destiny of our mighty race. This is our country.We made it. We molded it. We control it, andwe always will. We have done great things.We have mighty things yet to do. The negrois an accident — an unwilling, a blameless, butan unwholesome, unwelcome, helpless, unas-similable element in our civilization. He is notmade for our times. He is not framed to sharein the duty and the destiny which he perplexesand beclouds. Let us put him kindly andhumanely out of the way. Let us give him abetter chance than he has ever had in history,and let us have done with him. Let us solve hisproblem — frankly, fearlessly, nobly, and speedily. Let us put it behind us. Let us purify ourpolitics of the perplexity. Let us liberate theSouth to vote and to think like free-men uponthe mighty issues of the times.And in the name of history and destiny, inthe name of the past and in the name of thefuture, in the name of God and of our mission,I appeal to this great, conquering Caucasianrace to lock arms and go forward and onwardand upward to its essential work.UNIVERSITY RECORD 135THE STATEMENT OF THE ACTING PRESIDENT,DEAN HARRY PRATT JUDSON.Ladies and Gentlemen:The statement which is usually made by thePresident on these occasions will be omitted atthis time and will be duly printed in the University Record early in the Autumn Quarter.I beg to detain your attention for a few moments, therefore, only to speak of one or twomatters which seem appropriate just now.This is the first convocation in the history ofthe University at which the President has notbeen present. I am sure that we all unite inregret at his absence, at the same time that weall rejoice in his well-earned vacation and extend our cordial good wishes to him over theocean. Those who know the keen and watchfulinterest which Dr. Harper takes in every detailof the life of the University are well aware thatat this moment his thoughts are here, and that,if he is not able to be bodily present in Chicagoand in Europe simultaneously, it is owing to anexisting limitation on material existence in timeand space which we may be sure that no one canregret more acutely than our tireless Presidenthimself. Nothing in human progress, I am confident, would gratify him more than to be ableso to multiply himself as to be present andactively occupied in a dozen different places atthe same time. Meanwhile we can only hopethat under the present limited conditions ofhuman nature he may by this trip so recruit hisenergy of mind and body as in the coming daysto accomplish his usual manifold activities,.The University Convocation affords a forumfor free discussion, from many points of view,of all matters of public interest. The informalmotto of our own, as in fact it must be of allsincere universities, is liberty and truth. It istruth which we seek in the whole field ofhuman knowledge and thought, and truth canbe reached only if we hear and duly weigh allsides of every subject. It is for this reason that we are glad today to receive a messageon one of the gravest social questions of therepublic from a point of view which we in theNorth are not always able to take. We thankthe Convocation orator for the candor and forcewith which he has stated the case, and extendto him, as to his state, a cordial welcome toChicago.The Quarter which is now closing is thetenth held in the summer. The attendance hassteadily increased, from 537 in 1894 to 2,329in 1893. It is especially in the graduate andprofessional work that the increased attendanceis evident. In 1894 there were 245 in theGraduate School; in 1903, 710. In 1894 therewere 60 in the Divinity School, and in 1903,223. The present Quarter records 162 inmedical work, as against 49 last year; and wehave now for the first time a summer sessionof the Law School, with 52 students, as against67 for the Spring Quarter. The change in thedate of the Second Term, by which it endsabout the first of September, has proved anundoubted convenience to all concerned. In1900, under the old system, the registration forthe Second Term was 712. For the SecondTerm of 1903 the registration has been 1,490.The nature of the work of the Universityin the Summer Quarter is gradually becomingrecognized. We have taken pains from the firstto emphasize the fact that the Summer Quarteris not a summer school. The program involvesthe regular serious work of a university session, and not the delicate admixture of gentleintellectual exhilaration with wholesome andabundant recreation which composes the usualsummer school. As this fact becomes realized,cur attendance contains a constantly diminishing number of educational curiosity seekers,and correspondingly more of those who desireto accomplish a definite piece of serious work.The buildings in which for two years pastall have taken so much interest are at the point136 UNIVERSITY RECORDof completion. With the opening of the coming Autumn Quarter the School of Education,with its ancillary departments, the UniversityHigh School, the Chicago Manual TrainingSchool, and the Elementary School, will behoused in their spacious quarters on Fifty-ninthstreet. The beautiful Commons building, withthe Club House for men, and the Mandel Auditorium will also be in active use. The unsightlyold gymnasium has already disappeared fromthe Quadrangle, with the unanimous approvalof Trustees, Faculty, and students, and theBartlett Gymnasium through the coming yearwill fitly accommodate the Department ofPhysical Culture. Few more important thingshave been done for making the life of the University interesting and wholesome than the construction of these buildings, adapted, as each is,to some peculiar need. University life shouldbe surrounded by such conditions as to insurea becoming dignity, which at least is worthquite as much to character as the crude forcewhich so many phases of our American life display. It is toward such beauty and dignity ofenvironment that our new buildings especiallycontribute, and it is in that sense that they areso cordially welcomed.The staff of instruction for this Quarter hasincluded men representing the following institutions :Wesleyan University (Conn.), Princeton University,Dalhousie University, McGill University (2), Colby College, Allegheny College, University of Washington, JohnsHopkins University, Bradley Polytechnic Institute (2),Harvard University, Cincinnati Conferences of Arts andLiterature, Chicago Manual Training School, Universityof Wisconsin (2), University of Utah, Washington University, Garrett Biblical Institute, Bangor TheologicalSeminary (2), University of Michigan, Columbia University, Savannah (Ga.) High School, Chicago Art Institute,Woman's College (Baltimore), University of Pennsylvania, Editor Atlantic, Pastor First Baptist ChurchEvanston, Chicago Public Library.During the Summer Quarter, 1903, teachersfrom other institutions registered as students asfollows : Universities Colleges Normal schools High schools and academiesPublic schools Superintendents Total Men Women76 26102 75M 21155 16825 9026 1398 381 Total10217735323H527779THE STAFF OF INSTRUCTION.(Classified by Rank.)In the Departments of Arts, Literature, andScience, in the Divinity School and in the LawSchool, instructors have been on duty as follows :Autumn, 1902.Professors ______-- 54Professorial Lecturers ------ 2Associate Professors -- - - - - -20Assistant Professors ------ 22Instructors -------- 26Associates -------- 7Assistants --------8Docents -------- 2Fellows ---------Total - 141Winter, 1903.Professors ---------47Professorial Lecturers ------ 2Associate Professors ------- 24Assistant Professors ------ 29Instructors -------- 28Associates - - - - - -- - 9Assistants -------- 6Docents --------- 2Fellows ---------1Total -------- 148Spring, 1903.Professors ---------48Professorial Lecturers ------ 2Associate Professors - - - - - - -21Assistant Professors ------ 28Instructors --------- 25Associates -------- 6Assistants ---------10Docents ---------Fellows --------- 2Total -___-_-_ 142UNIVERSITY RECORD 137Summer, 1903.Professors - ->- - - - - - -46Associate Professors - - - - - - 18Assistant Professors ------- 26Instructors -------- 27Associates ---------9Assistants -------- j^Docents ---------Fellows --------- 2Lecturers --------- 24Alliance Francaise ------- 3Total - - - - - - - - -172Grand total - 604STATEMENT OF SECOND-TERM COURSESAs Compared with the Three Preceding Years.There were offered during the Second Termof the Quarter just passed, in the Departmentsof Arts, Literature, and Science, courses aggregating 112% Majors; in the Divinity School,I4J4 Majors ; a total of 127J4 Majors.During the Second Term of the SummerQuarter, 1902, there were offered 104 Majorsand iyy2 Majors respectively; a total of 121 y2Majors.During the Second Term of the SummerQuarter, 1901, there were offered 99^ Majorsand i6>£ Majors respectively; a total of 115%Majors.During the Second Term of the SummerQuarter, 1900, there were offered 79 Majorsand nj^ Majors respectively; a total of 90 y2Majors.The courses offered during the whole Summer Quarter of these three years, computed byMajors, are as follows: 1903, 235 J4 and 29 —a total of 264% ; 1902, 210^ and 36^ — a totalof 247; 1901, 218 and 33M — a total of 251^4 J1900, 1791/2 and 27 $4 — a total of 207^.STATISTICS FOR THE FOUR QUARTERSAs Compared with Last Year.In the Schools and Colleges of Arts, Literature and Science there were offered during theAutumn Quarter, 1902, courses aggregating26514 Majors; in the Winter Quarter, 1903, 273% Majors; in the Spring Quarter, 1903,233% Majors; and in the Summer Quarter,x9°3, 239^ Majors.In the Autumn Quarter, 1901, there wereoffered 234 Majors; in the Winter Quarter,1902, 262^ Majors; in the Spring Quarter,1902, 219 Majors ; and in the Summer Quarter,1902, 219 Majors.In the Divinity School there were offered inthe Autumn Quarter, 1902, 32 Majors ; in theWinter Quarter, 1903, 33 Majors ; in the SpringQuarter, 1903, 2jy2 Majors ; and in the Summer Quarter, 1903, 29% Majors.In the Autumn Quarter, 1901, there wereoffered 25 Majors ; in the Winter Quarter, 1902,25^ Majors ; in the Spring Quarter, 1902, 28Majors; and in the Summer Quarter, 1902,2834 Majors.In the Law School there were offered in theAutumn Quarter, 1902, 10 Majors ; in the Winter Quarter, 1903, 9 Majors; in the SpringQuarter, 1903, 8^4 Majors ; and in the SummerQuarter, 1903, 8% Majors.PROMOTIONS DURING SUMMER QUARTER.- Charles E. Merriam promoted to Instructorship inPolitical Science."""W. S. Adams promoted to Instructorship in Anatomy.^ Frank L. Tolman promoted to Associateship.APPOINTMENTS DURING SUMMER QUARTER.Mr. Bigelow appointed to Assistant Professorship inLaw School.~ Graham Taylor appointed to Professorial Lectureship.E. L. Harris appointed to Lectureship on Commerce.*** Horace S. Fiske appointed to Assistant Recorder.««G. A. Bliss appointed to Associateship in Mathematics.to Angus M. Frew appointed to Associateship in PhysicalCulture in University High School.** H. M. Resse, appointed to Associateship in Astronomy.<•* Miss R. Gulbransen appointed to Assistantship inPathology.John T. Lister appointed to Assistantship in RomanceDepartment.« Clifton D. Howe appointed to Assistantship in Botany.^Gertrude Smith appointed to Assistantship in Music,School of Education.w Hugh F. Binns appointed to Assistantship in Art,School of Education.„, Oscar A. Knudson appointed to Assistantship in Physical Culture.138 UNIVERSITY RECORDINSTRUCTORS ON LEAVE OF ABSENCEDuring Whole or Part of Summer Quarter, 1903.Professors: Anderson, Buck (J4), Capps, Chandler,Coulter, Dewey (J4), Foster, Haines, W. G. Hale £$4),W. R. Harper, Henderson (H), Hendrickson, Herrick,Hirsch, Hulbert (H), Jameson, Johnson (^), Laughlin,MacClintock, Manly, Shailer Mathers (J^), Michelson,R. G. Moulton (#), Nef, Small^Stagg, Tarbell (^),Terry (H), von Hoist, Ella F. Young, Williston.Associate Professors: Angell, Castle (}4), Clark,E. O. Jordan, Maschke, G. E. Mead, Myra Reynolds,Alexander Smith (}4), Stieglitz, Marion Talbot, Vincent.Assistant Professors: Arnold, Bensley, Gore W),Kern, Laves, Locke (Vz), Lyon, Mann, Moody, A. W.Moore (^), Schmidt- Wartenberg, Schwill, Slaught, Tol-man ffi), Veblen, Votaw, Weller.Instructors: Ames (¥2), Gertrude Dudley, Fite (^),Gorsuch, Lingle, Merriam, Meyer, Revell (*>£), Sham-baugh (54), G. B. Smith, Thompson, Triggs, Warren,Williamson.Bruere, Frank, Koch, Tower (J^), Os-Hatai (H)> Livermore, Livingston, Nel-Associates :wald Veblen.Assistants :son, Payne.Docents: Buckley, Breckinridge, Hammond, Werge-land.INSTRUCTION AND REGISTRATION.PHILOSOPHICAL-SOCIOLOGICAL GROUP(including the College of Commerce and Administration).I. Philosophy II. Political Economy III. Political Science IV. History VI. Sociology and AnthropologyVII. Comparative Religion Totals Instructors25 Courses1365126143 Registrations332109130428I466r,i5iLANGUAGE AND LITERATURE GROUP.Ancient Languages:X. Sanskrit XI. Greek XII. Latin Totals 13 2131328 7165408580 Instructors Courses RegistrationsModern Languages :XIII. Romance 108103 1616205 243347758I6lXIV. Germanic XV. English XVI. Literature (in English) Totals 3i44 5785 15092,089Totals for Language Group PHYSICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES.Physical:XVII. Mathematics.XVIII. Astronomy . .XIX. Physics XX. Chemistry . . ,XXI. Geology ....XXI A, Geography..Totals.Biological:XXII. Zoology XXIII. Anatomy XXIV. Physiology (including Physiological Chemistry & Pharmacology)XXV. Neurology XXVII. Botany XXVIII. Pathology and BacteriologyTotals Totals for Science Group . 31521053263REQUIRED GROUP.THE DIVINITY GROUP.VI. Sociology XLI. Old Testament Literatureand Interpretation XLII. New Testament Literatureand Interpretation ....XLV. Church History XL VI. Homiletics LXI. Disciples XXXI. Public Speaking Totals XXXI. Public Speaking 12 12 65196XXXII. Physical Culture Totals 3 3 2611 27 164 85 92 31 21 121 4iUNIVERSITY RECORD 139THE COLLEGE OF EDUCATIONInstructors Courses RegistrationsEducation 5iiiiii242I 82223222723 390129147759i87298723738106History Oral Reading Natural Science Geography Mathematics Home Economics Music Arts Manual Training Physical Culture Totals 20 35 1,416THE MEDICAL COURSES.XXIII. Anatomy 5525 151058 13213341XXIV. Physiology (including Physiological Chemistry & Pharmacology) XXV. Neurology XXVIII. Pathology and Bacteriology 72Totals I71 381 378'The Alliance Francaise.The Law School. 80170Grand total 198 390 7,675 The system of University Open Lectures wasconducted through a period of ten weeks, beginning June 23 and ending August 28. During this period two hundred lectures weredelivered and ten concerts given. The aggregate attendance amounted to 34,095. In mostinstances the lectures were arranged in series,different subjects being treated in from four toeighteen lectures. Among the distinguishedscholars and lecturers who came to the University, especially to participate in this program, were Professor Paul Milyoukov, of Russia; Professor John Bates Clark, of ColumbiaUniversity ; Dr. Toyokichi Iyenaga, of Japan ;Dr. John Quincy Adams, of Philadelphia ; Professor John Cox, of McGill University; andMr. Bliss Perry, editor of the Atlantic Monthly.The attendance at the lectures and concertswould appear to justify the conclusion that theyform not an unappreciable contribution to theopportunities for general culture which the University offers to its members and friends.^Duplicates.140 UNIVERSITY RECORDSTATISTICS OF THE SUMMER QUARTER, 1903.First Only Second Only Both TotalMen Women Total Men Women Total Men Women Total Men Women TotalGraduate :Arts • • • 69566 13021I 199777 25.16I 5 3921I 1508840 66213 21610943 24416047 210474 454207*Medical 51Total 1311232 15216 2832832 423 1910 6l13 2789294 9062 36815494 451107126 26l88 712Seniors :19512*Law • 6Total 1773 1617I 33244 352 108 13132 105681 6251 167119I 125806 88761 213Juniors :1567Total 10503 18157 282073 7122 860 15722 69525 5i1031 1201556 8611410 773201 163434Unclassified :11Total 53427 157I6 2104313 14337 603 743310 578922 104310 1619232 12416436 321419 445Divinity :16855Total 49633326 7111 56734327 401222 3 431222 in4091550 13312 1244391652 200471261078 234113 2235i12Medical :71181Total • 4i615 3 44615 72 72 1052837 6 in2837 15336412 9 162Law:36412Total 1217 247 12264 25 55 260 385 32 3837 5227 334 52School of Education 36iTotal 33017 6002 93019 1205 155 2755 76859 3584 1,12663 1,21881 1,1136 2,33187Final Total 313 598 911 115 155 270 709 354 1,063 1,137 1,107 2,244UNIVERSITY RECORD 141CONDENSED FINANCIAL STATEMENT.Budget Receipts and Expenditures for the Fiscal Year EndingJune 30, 1903.RECEIPTS.Estimated ActualI.II.III.IV.V.VI. General Administration . .Faculties of Arts, Literature and Science The Divinity School Morgan Park Academy. .University Extension Libraries, Laboratories,and Museums 10,700,00418,939.0072,995.0021,950.0044,900.0040,550.0028,100.002,000.0058,400.00231,000.00 11,008.66480,622.1469,288.1920,540.0658,679.4927,944-1518,430.47VII.VIII. Printing and PublishingPhysical Culture IX. Affiliated Work 2,012.3156,372.18237,712.29X.XI. Buildings and Grounds . .General Funds 929,534.00 982,609.94EXPENDITURES.Estimated ActualI. General Administrationand Expense 98,775.00449,182.0068,658.0036,680.0047,006,0098,401.0040,300.0012,825.005,620.0071,562.50524.50 106,021.22II.III.IV.V.VI. Faculties of Arts, Literature and Science The Divinity School Morgan Park AcademyUniversity Extension Libraries, Laboratories,and Museums 474,580.8267,071.1239,758.8467,111.8291,152.0744,221.0013,354.905,474-3797,664.71VII.VIII.IX. Printing and PublishingPhysical Culture Affiliated Work X.XL Buildings and Grounds.. .Contingent Fund Deficit 929,534.00 1,006,410.8723,800.93This statement does not include an item of $13,814.05,appropriated but not expended, and by later action of theTrustees charged to Budget Expenditures, fiscal year1902-3, and credited to a new account on the generalledger, against which charges will be made as the billscome in. Nor does it include the accounts of theWomen's Commons, Men's Commons, the School ofEducation, South Side Academy, Laboratory of theDepartment of Education, Chicago Manual TrainingSchool, Law School, and University College. GIFT REPORT.During the Summer Quarter, 1903, thereLave been added to the Library of the University of Chicago by gift 908 volumes, distributedas follows:Anatomy, i vol. ; Anthropology, 2 vols. ; Astronomy(Ryerson), 3 vols.; Astronomy (Yerkes), 2 vols.;Biology, 4 vols. ; Botany, 4 vols. ; Chemistry, 6 vols. ;Church History, i vol. ; Commerce and Administration,8 vols. ; Embryology, i vol. ; English, 8 vols. ; GeneralLibrary, 605 vols. ; Geography, 22 vols. ; Geology, 39vols.; Haskell, 2 vols.; History, 12 vols.; Latin, 3vols. ; Law School, 23 vols. ; Lexington Hall, 1 vol. ;Mathematics, 1 vol.; New Testament, 9 vols.; Pathology, 3 vols.; Pedagogy, 35 vols.; Philosophy, 6 vols.;Physiology, 1 vol. ; Political Economy, 20 vols. ; Political Science, 20 vols. ; Romance, 1 vol. ; School ofEducation, 4 vols. ; Sociology, 3 vols. ; Sociology(Divinity), 2 vols.; Systematic Theology, 1 vol.;Zoology, 55 vols.SPECIAL GIFTS.United States Government, 100 vols. Documents.Pennsylvania State Library, 89 vols. State reports.State of Rhode Island, 32 vols., 25 pam. Reports.State of Ohio, 31 vols., 64 pam. Reports.The John Crerar Library, 26 copies. Supplement toList of Serials in Public Libraries of Chicago andEvanston.Societe de l'Histoire de Normandie, 21 vols. Publications.President W. R. Harper, 9 vols. Miscellaneous.Due de Loubat, 1 vol. Codex Vaticanus No. 3773-Mr. Alexander Smith, 17 vols. Chemistry. Textbooks and periodicals.Universite de Paris, 1 vol. Bibliotheque de la Sor-bonne. Thesis.Hon. James R. Mann, 2 vols. Reports.THE SUMMER TEMPERATURE.A statement is given below of the maximumand minimum temperature of the months ofJune, July, and August, 1903.June July AugustMax.90 Min.44 Max.92 Min.59 Max.92 Min.55142 UNIVERSITY RECORDTHE REYNOLDS CLUB.The long-felt need of some rallying centerof student life is to be realized in the completionand occupation of the Students' Club House onthe corner of Lexington avenue and Fifty-seventh street. For more than a year and a halfthought has been given by a special commissionto the details of the organization of the club.This commission formulated a plan for a constitution which was considered in detail by theBoard of Student Organizations and the University Council, the final form of the instrumentappearing below.The Trustees cordially invite every University of Chicago man to avail himself of thisopportunity of uniting the great body of Chicago graduates and undergraduates. Everygraduate should feel that at last there is anabode at the University where a welcome constantly awaits him — a welcome with a roof,lodging, food, and companionship, no matterwhen he comes ; a place to which he has a rightto come, and in which he can enjoy the freedomand advantages of a city club, with the addedsatisfaction of knowing that he is again underthe wing of his alma mater.The building and its privileges are the giftof the late Joseph Reynolds through his executor, Mr. Joy Morton. The simple and effectualway to make the club prosper is for graduatesand undergraduates alike to become membersat once and to use the Club House as much asthey can. All men who are students of the University in residence are eligible to active membership in this club. Any officer of the University, or former member thereof, whether a resident of Chicago or not, is eligible to associatemembership, enjoying thereby all the privilegesof an active member, except those of voting andholding office. Moreover, any person eligibleto active or associate membership is eligible tolife membership and entitled to the privilegesof active membership, except the right to holdoffice, upon the payment of one hundred dollars. These dues are to be devoted to a permanentendowment fund. Surely in one of these threeways every man now or ever connected withthe University of Chicago may have a directpersonal tie with the life of the University,and help to promote that spirit of comradeshipand unity for which the Reynolds Club wascreated. It is expected that the club will befully organized within a very short time afterthe opening of the Autumn Quarter, and that itwill become one of the most useful and popularinstitutions connected with the University.MEMBERS OF THE CLUBHOUSE COMMISSION.Appointed December, 1901.James Westfall Thompson, Chairman of the Commission.F. G. Smith, Secretary of the Commission.FACULTY- J. L. Laughlin, J. P. Iddings, Edward Capps, G. B.Smith, H. P. Judson, J. W. Moncrief, William Hill, W. W.Atwood.GRADUATE COUNCILC. C. Arbuthnot, F. B. Jewett, B. L. French, B. O. Hutchinson, J. R. McArthur.GRADUATE SCHOOLW. F. Dodd.DIVINITY COUNCIL(Including Disciples' Divinity School.)E. J. Parsons, A. T. Burns, J. W. Hoag, J. S. Andrews, J.K. Hart, W. J. Trimble, J. W. Bailey, J. C. Hazen. C. L.Waite.Middle Divinity Bouse.— Albert S. Wilson.SENIOR COUNCILH. E. Fleming, M. H. Pettitt, O. E. Atwood, B. G. Lee,G. A. Young.Senior College.— Z. R. Pettet, F. G. Smith.JUNIOR COUNCILA. W. Greenwood, F. M. Horton, F. A. Speik, R. W.Merrifield.Junior College. —Oliver B. Wyman, Fred. D. Fischel.MEDICAL COUNCILM. J. O'Herne E. Barker, A. A. Hayden, W. D. Fisher,R. S. Allison, W. J. Swift, R. K. Keech, R. 0. Brown, C. A.DeLong, A. B. McNab, S. H. Swetzer, M. J. Perry.Medical School. — J. Diemel.UNIVERSITY RECORD 143GREEK LETTER FRATERNITIESFrank McNair, AKE; A. B. Garcelon, SK*"; R. L. Henry,X*; F. G. Maloney, AA<£>; Robert Butler, ATA; Piatt M.Conrad, B9II; C. M. Hogeland, ^T; Chester Ellsworth,#A9; E. D. Howard, SX; O. E. Atwood, AT.THE HOUSESD. A. Robertson, Dragon's Tooth; F. D. Bramhall, Lincoln; G. B. Hallett, Washington; W. R. Jayne, Snell.STUDENT ORGANIZATIONSW. G. McLaury, Dramatic Club; F. F. J. Tische, GleeClub.THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REYNOLDS CLUB.ARTICLE I.The name of this association shall be "TheReynolds Club of the University of Chicago. "ARTICLE II.The object of this Club shall be to promotegood fellowship among the men of the Universityof Chicago.ARTICLE III— OFFICERS.Section i. The officers of this Club shall be aPresident, a Vice-President, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and a Librarian. No one shall be eligibleto election unless he shall have been a memberin good standing of the University of Chicagoduring three quarters.Sec. 2. The President shall preside at all meetings of the club and of the Executive Council,and shall be ex officio a member of all committees.Sec. 3. The Vice-President shall preside atmeetings of the Club and of the Executive Council, and fulfil all the duties of the President duringhis absence or disability.Sec. 4. The Secretary shall keep the minutesof all meetings of the Club and of the ExecutiveCouncil ; shall give notice of meetings of theClub and of the Executive Council; shall givenotices of election to office; shall notify newmembers of their election ; shall submit reportsof official meetings of the Club and of committees to the Director of University Houses; andshall serve ex officio on the Membership Committee. The Secretary shall be chairman of the House Committee and ex officio a member of allother committees. He shall have the power,with the advice of the steward, to engage and todischarge all employees of the Club.Sec. 5. The Treasurer shall keep the accountsof the club, collect all dues, pay all salaries, beresponsible for the care of property, order currentsupplies and minor repairs, and present a monthlystatement of receipts and expenditures to theExecutive Council and to the Business Managerof the University. Once a year he shall submitto the members of the Club a complete financialreport. He shall receive all fees paid for use ofrooms, billiards, bowling, etc.; he shall receiveand disburse the funds of the Club under thedirection of the Executive Council, and shall report to them and the Club when requested to doso. He shall make an account of the propertyheld by the Club once a year and shall submitthe same to the Executive Council and to theBusiness Manager of the University with his annual report. The bond of the Treasurer shall befixed by the Executive Council.Sec. 6. The Librarian shall keep a catalogueof the books of the Club, and be responsible fortheir care. He shall be ex officio chairman of theLibrary Committee.ARTICLE IV — THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL.Section i. The Executive Council shall consist of the officers of the Club and the chairmenof the standing committees.Sec 2. It shall hold a regular meeting at leastonce a month. The. Council shall organizeduring the first week after the annual meeting ofthe Club.Sec. 3.duties of the executive council.(a) The Executive Council shall receive andpass on all reports submitted by officers andcommittees.(b) It shall choose two members of the Boardof Student Organizations to act as advisory members of the council.144 UNIVERSITY RECORD(c) It shall have power to raise or to lower theClub dues, as it sees fit, subject to the proviso inArt IX, sec. i.(d) It shall make such appropriations of thefunds of the Club as it shall see fit.(e) It shall perform such other duties as areelsewhere in this constitution assigned to it.(/) It shall have the power to appoint someperson to act as steward to the Club, and asassistant to the Treasurer.ARTICLE V — STANDING COMMITTEES.Section i. There shall be three standing committees, to-wit : a House Committee, a Membership Committee, and a Library Committee. Thechairman of each committee shall submit a reportof each meeting of his committee to the ExecutiveCouncil.Sec 2. A vacancy occurring in a committeeshall be filled by the Executive Council from theschool or college in which the vacancy may haveoccurred. If a member of a standing committeebe absent from two consecutive meetings, theExecutive Council may declare his place vacant.SEC 3. THE HOUSE COMMITTEE.The House Committee shall be chosen fromthe members of the Club in the ratio of onerepresentative for every one hundred members or major fraction thereof from each of thefollowing schools and colleges: the GraduateSchools of Arts, Literature, and Science, theDivinity School; the Law School; Rush MedicalCollege ; the School of Education ; the SeniorColleges; the Junior Colleges; University College ; and from other schools and colleges in likemanner, as they may be established. This committee shall organize during the first week afterthe annual meeting of the Club. Until the meeting of organization of the new committee is held,the outgoing House Committee shall remain inoffice.At the meeting for organization, the HouseCommittee shall appoint two members to constitute a Library Committee together with the Librarian, and shall also appoint a subcommitteeon pool, billiards, and bowling, and such othersubcommittees as may be deemed necessary ; eachcommittee to consist of not less than three normore than five members, with the chairmanchosen from the House Committee. The chairman of each subcommittee shall report to theHouse Committee at its regular meeting, in writing, the action of its subcommittee, together withany other remarks in reference to his departmentof the Club House. All actions of the subcommittees shall be subject to the approval ofthe House Committee.The House Committee shall make all rules forthe use of the Club House — -subject to appeal tothe Club upon written application of fifty members.It may alter or repeal, by a majority vote, anyhouse rule, except section 13, provided previousnotice has been given to all members of the committee. Five members shall constitute a quorum.The House Committee shall maintain order inthe Club House, and shall forbid the use of theClub House to any person, whether a member ornot, who may refuse to obey the rules of theClub. The House Committee shall control theservants of the Club through the Secretary. TheHouse Committee shall have no power to leaseany portion of the premises without the approval of the University.SEC 4. THE MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE.The Membership Committee shall be chosenin the same manner as the House Committee, asprovided for in Art. V, sec. 3. No person shallbe eligible for this committee who expects toleave the University before the next annual meeting. It shall organize during the first weekfollowing the annual meeting of the Club, theretiring committee holding office until the newcommittee is organized. The Secretary shallserve ex officio as secretary of this committee, andshall call a special meeting whenever the businessof the Club shall require it. This committeeshall elect persons to membership in accordanceUNIVERSITY RECORD 145with the provisions made in Art. VI, sec. 6. Amajority of the members shall constitute aquorum.SEC 5. THE LIBRARY COMMITTEE.The Library Committee shall consist of theLibrarian and two other members appointed by theHouse Committee. This committee shall haveauthority over all books, periodicals, and worksof art belonging to the Club, and shall receiveand act upon requests or complaints relating tothe library, and make such changes in the list ofperiodicals as it may deem best. All house rulesrelating to the library shall be approved by thiscommittee.ARTICLE VI— MEMBERSHIP.Section, i. membership.Membership shall be limited to men. Thereshall be four classes of members -^-active, associate, honorary, and life.Sec 2. , active membership.All men who are students of the University inresidence shall be eligible to active membershipin this Club.Sec 3. associate membership.Any officer of the University or former memberof the University, whether a resident of Chicagoor not, shall be eligible to associate membershipin this Club. An associate member shall haveall the privileges of an active member, exceptthose of voting and holding office.Sec 4. HONORARY membership.In recognition of his generosity, as executor ofthe estate of the late Joseph Reynolds, and hisinterest in promoting the welfare of the studentsof the University of Chicago, Mr. Joy Morton isdeclared an honorary member of this Club. Sec 5. life membership.Any person eligible to active or associate membership shall be eligible to life membership, andbe entitled to the privileges of active membership,except the right to hold office.Sec 6. admission to membership.The method of admission to membership shallbe as follows:Applications for membership shall be made inwriting to the Membership Committee, whichshall verify the eligibility of all applicants tomembership, and the names of the candidatesthus verified shall be posted at once upon thebulletin board of the Club. If within twelve (12)University days from the posting of the name ofany candidate no objection is made, he shall beconsidered a member of the Club upon paymentof all specified fees and dues. If there be an objection to any candidate, it shall be made inwriting to the Membership Committee, and signedby five members of the Club, who shall not bemembers of the committee. Unless action betaken within five days by this committee, thecandidate shall be declared a member of the Club.To carry a negative vote in the committee a majority of all the members of the committee shallbe required.Sec 7. resignations.Resignations shall be made in writing, addressed to the Membership Committee, and maybe accepted if the member is not indebted to theClub. All resignations must be presented beforethe first day of each quarter; otherwise the member shall be liable for the dues of the ensuingquarter. Without such specific resignation, amember ceasing to be a resident student shallbecome an associate member.Sec 8. suspensions and expulsions.Any member may be suspended from the Clubwhen in the judgment of the House and Mem-146 UNIVERSITY RECORDbership Committees his conduct merits such action.Any member may be expelled by a three-fourthsvote of the House and Membership Committeesin joint session; or his name, together with a statement of the offense, may be presented to the Executive Council for action. The decision of theExecutive Council shall be final.Any member giving his ticket or certificate ofmembership to another person, in order that hemay use the privileges of the Club thereon, shallbe liable to expulsion from the Club.ARTICLE VII — MEETINGS AND QUORUMS.Sec i. The annual meetings shall be held onthe first Friday in March.Sec 2. Special meetings for specific purposesshall be called by the President on the request ofthe House Committee, or upon petition in writing of thirty active members.Sec 3. Except in cases of urgent need, theannouncement of each meeting shall be posted onthe bulletin board one week in advance.Sec 4. For the ordinary transaction of business, fifty (50) active members shall constitute aquorum.ARTICLE VIII— NOMINATIONS AND ELECTIONS.Section i. {a) The annual election of thePresident, the Vice-President, the Secretary, theTreasurer, and the Librarian shall be held on theday of the annual meeting.{&) Each school and college shall elect itsrepresentative or representatives on the Membership Committee and the House Committee, afterthe announcement of the result of the annualelection.Sec. 2. (a) One week before the annual meeting, the Secretary shall post on the Club bulletinboard a register of qualified voters. Errors or omissions- shall be considered by the electioncommission hereinafter provided for.Sec 3. (a) Nominations shall be made in regularcaucus, or by petition.(&) The members of the Club shall hold acaucus for nominations the Tuesday eveningin the week preceding the annual meeting. Notmore than three candidates shall be nominatedat this time for each office. The three nomineeswho shall receive the highest number of votesshall be the official candidates.Nomination to any elective office may be madeby petition, if within three (3) days after the caucus such nominations be made to the electioncommissioners in writing, over the signatures oftwenty- five members having the right to vote atthe coming election. No candidate to office maybe a signatory.(c) The caucus shall also elect at least sixmembers to constitute an Election Commission.No candidate for office shall be eligible to serveon this commission.{d) One week before the caucus the secretaryshall post on the Club bulletin board a notice ofthe offices to be filled at the annual election, andof the time, place, and manner of nominatingcandidates for those offices.Sec 4. It shall be the duty of the ElectionCommission to receive from the Secretary thelist of qualified voters ; to hear complaints concerning errors or omissions therein, and, if necessary, to revise the register ; to post on the Clubbulletin board a notice of the time, place, andmanner of election (together with a specimenballot); to cause to be printed at the expense ofthe Club the official ballots ; and to make all thearrangements necessary for the proper management of the annual election.Sec 5. The official ballots shall be of uniformsize, shape, and material. The form shall be asfollows :UNIVERSITY RECORD 147THE REYNOLDS CLUB OF THE UNIVERSITY OFCHICAGO.ANNUAL ELECTION.Regular Nominations.For President.(Vote for one.)? John Smith.? Richard Roe.? Howard Lee.For Vice-President.(Vote for one.)? Simon Birch.? ? For Secretary.(Vote for one.)? Reginald Blake.? Edmund Burke.a For Treasurer.(Vote for one.)? Albert Edwards.a a For Librarian.(Vote for one.)a a a Nominations byPetition.Sec 6. The polls shall be open from 9 a. m.until 5 p. m., at such place in the Club House asmay be indicated by the House Committee. Atleast two members of the Election Commissionshall always be present.Sec 7. The voter shall be given an officialballot by the Election Commission. He shallthen mark a cross ( X) opposite the name of theperson or persons for whom he desires to vote,and shall deposit his ballot in the ballot-box.The name of the voter shall be checked on theregister when the voter receives and when hedeposits his ballot.Sec 8. After the polls are closed the electioncommissioners shall count the number of ballots cast. At least three of the election commissioners shall act as tellers, who shall call off to the othercommissioners, acting as clerks, the votes castfor each candidate. The clerks shall record thevotes on tally sheets. No vote shall be countedwhich is not upon an official ballot, nor shall anyvote be counted when more than the proper number of persons is voted for.The counted ballots shall be sealed, and shallnot be destroyed until one week shall have elapsed.Sec 9. A plurality of votes shall be necessaryto elect. In case of a tie vote, a subsequent election shall be held with reference to the office soconcerned.Sec 10. The election commissioners shall inno way publish the result of the election • theyshall prepare a report of the result of the election,and shall present this report to the President ofthe Club, who shall announce the result of thevoting at the annual meeting.Sec 11. The Council shall have power to fillvacancies, and shall call an election at its discretion.ARTICLE IX — DUES.Section i. The dues of life members shall beone hundred dollars ($100). The dues foractive members shall be two dollars ($2) per quarter. No member shall be required to pay formore than three quarters during the calendaryear. Dues of associate members shall be twodollars ($ 2) a year. All membership dues maybe increased or reduced by the Executive Council as the interests of the Club may demand ; butthe dues for an active member shall not exceedten dollars ($10) per year. Life membership duesshall be devoted to a permanent endowment fund,the management of which shall be conducted bythe University, and the incomes arising therefromshall be used for the benefit of the Club.Sec 2. Life-membership dues shall be paid infull at the time of enrolment. Active-membershipdues shall be paid quarterly in advance ; associate -membership dues shall be payable annually in148 UNIVERSITY RECORDadvance, on the first day of the quarter in whichthe name of the member is enrolled.Sec 3. The name withTthe amount due of anymember whose account remains unpaid ten days(/. e., University days) after receiving notice fromthe Treasurer, shall be posted ; a week later heshall be deprived of the use of the Club, unlesshis account has been paid ; but if he fails to paywithin two weeks more he shall cease to be a member of the Club.Sec 4. Anyone who has thus ceased to be amember for nonpayment of his bill may be reinstated by the Executive Council upon payment ofall delinquent charges and such regular dues asmay have occurred between the time of discontinuance and the time of reinstatement.SECTION X— AMENDMENTS.Amendments or additions to this Constitutionmay be proposed by a two-thirds vote of the Executive Council, or upon petition in writing ofthirty active members to the Council. In eithercase the proposed measure shall be posted for atleast one month in advance, and a copy of thesame be sent to every member. Action shall betaken at the next official meeting. A three-fourthsvote of all those present shall be required foradoption.HOUSE RULES.1. The names of all visitors shall be registeredin a book provided for that purpose.2. Any member may introduce a visitor whoaccompanies him to the Club ; but a person eligible to membership shall not be introduced oftenerthan once a quarter.3. Persons not eligible to membership may beintroduced to the privileges of the Club for aperiod not exceeding one week in one quarter,provided the Secretary, on application of somemember, issues a signed card of invitation.4. Members shall be responsible for any expense incurred by their guests.5. No person not a member of the Club shallbe present at any of its official meetings, unless specially invited by the presiding officer or theHouse Committee.6. The Club House shall be'open from-8 a. m. to12 p. M. daily.4 7. The House Committee shall designate oneor more rooms in which there shall be no smoking.8. There shall be no gambling or betting inthe Club. Cards shall be played only in the cardroom, which shall be open to access continually.^ 9. The billiard and pool tables, bowling alleys,and tables for cards, chess, checkers, and othergames shall be in use only on weekdays.10. The Library Committee -shall regulate theuse of books and periodicals, each member beingresponsible for damage to any book or journalwhile in his possession.11. No newspapers, magazines, books, furniture, or other articles belonging to the Club shallbe removed from it.12. Student organizations and individual members may secure the use of parts of the ClubHouse for meetings and social functions on ap-i plication to the House Committee. But theu House Committee shall not grant the use ofmore than two rooms at one time.13. The right of the University authorities touse the Club House, whenever in their discretionsuch use is desirable, is not subject to the abovelimitation.14. Upon the invitation of members, ladiesmay be introduced to the Club as visitors on" Ladies' Day," for which the House Committeeshall designate the dates.v 15. There shall be no student service in theClub House.16. No member nor visitor shall give moneyor any gratuity to any employee of the Club.4 17. No member nor visitor shall send a servanton an errand out of the Club House.4 18. No member shall reprimand a servant.All complaints and suggestions shall be made tothe House Committee in writing and placed in abox provided for that purpose.UNIVERSITY RECORD 14919. No alcoholic liquors shall be served or used^in the Club House, and no intoxicated personshall be admitted.20. Bicycles shall not be allowed except in the/basement of the Club House.James Westfall Thompson, \/Chairman of the Commission.Forest Garfield Smith,Secretary.June 9, 1902.Amended and approved by the Board of StudentOrganizations, January 31, 1903.Alonzo K. Parker,Recorder.Recommitted to the Commission, February 10,1903. James Westfall Thompson,Chairman of the Commission.Approved by the University Council, February21, 1903. Alonzo K. Parker,Recorder.THE LIBRARIAN'S ACCESSION REPORT.During the Summer Quarter, 1903, there hasbeen added to the Library of the University atotal number of 4,025 volumes, from the following sources :Books added by purchase 2,691 volumes, distributedas follows :Anatomy, 18 vols.; Anthropology, 9 vols.; Astronomy (Ryerson), 7 vols.; Astronomy (Yerkes), 7 vols.;Bacteriology, 10 vols.; Biology, 329 vols.; Botany, 3vols.; Chemistry, 7 vols.; Church History, 13 vols.;Classical Archaeology, 10 vols.; Commerce and Administration, 28 vols. ; Comparative Religion, 4 vols. ; Embryology, 1 vol.; English, 115 vols.; General Library,105 vols.; Geography, 134 vols.; Geology, 9 vols.; German, 9 vols. ; Greek, 4 vols. ; History, 269 vols. ; Homiletics, 1 vol.; Japanese, no vols.; Latin, 27 vols.;Latin and Greek, 20 vols.; Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, andComparative Philology, 1 vol.; Law School, 894 vols.;Mathematics, 27 vols. ; Morgan Park Academy, 19 vols. ;Neurology, 23 vols. ; New Testament, 1 1 vols. ; Pathology, 7 vols. ; Pedagogy, 21 vols. ; Philosophy, 49 vols. ;Physical Culture, 1 vol. ; Physics, 22 vols. ; PhysiologicalChemistry, 8 vols. ; Physiology, 7 vols. ; Political Economy, 29 vols. ; Political Science, 39 vols. ; PoliticalScience and Sociology, 1 vol. ; Romance, 16 vols. ; Sanskrit and Comparative Philology, 22 vols. ; School ofEducation, 42 vols. ; Semitic, 1 1 vols. ; Sociology, 24vols.; Sociology k( Divinity), 5 vols.; Swedish Theological Seminary, 1 vol. ; Systematic Theology, 6 vols. ;Zoology, 156 vols.Books added by gift, 908 volumes, distributed as follows :Anatomy, 1 vol. ; Anthropology, 2 vols. ; Astronomy(Ryerson), 3 vols.; Astronomy (Yerkes), 2 vols.;Biology, 4 vols. ; Botany, 4 vols. ; Chemistry, 6 vols. ;Church History, 1 vol. ; Commerce and Administration,8 vols. ; Embryology, 1 vol. ; English, 8 vols. ; GeneralLibrary, 605 vols. ; Geography, 22 vols. ; Geology, 39vols.; Haskell, 2 vols.; History, 12 vols.; Latin, 3 vols.;Law School, 23 vols. ; Lexington Hall, 1 vol. ; Mathematics, 1 vol. ; New Testament, 9 vols. ; Pathology, 3vols. ; Pedagogy, 35 vols. ; Philosophy, 6 vols. ; Physiology, 1 vol. ; Political Economy, 20 vols. ; PoliticalScience, 20 vols. ; Romance, 1 vol. ; School of Education, 4 vols.; Sociology, 3 vols.; Sociology (Divinity),2 vols. ; Systematic Theology, 1 vol. ; Zoology, 55 vols.Books added by exchange for University publications,426 volumes, distributed as follows :Astronomy (Yerkes), 7 vols.; Biology, 1 vol.;Botany, 20 vols. ; Church History, 25 vols. ; Commerceand Administration, 1 vol. ; Comparative Religion, 4vols.; English, 8 vols.; General Library, 157 vols.;Geology, 9 vols. ; History, 4 vols. ; Latin and Greek, 1vol. ; Law School, 1 vol. ; Mathematics, 5 vols. ; NewTestament, 23 vols. ; Pedagogy, 84 vols. ; Philosophy, 1vol. ; Physics, 1 vol. ; Political Economy, 33 vols. ;Political Science, 5 vols. ; Sanskrit and ComparativePhilology, 1 vol. ; Semitic, 6 vols. ; Sociology, 1 1 vols. ;Systematic Theology, 18 vols.October AnnouncementsLectures on Commerce and Adminis=trationAfter an introductory lecture by Professor J. LaurenceLaughlin on " Higher Commercial Education/' the book isdivided into three series of lectures, on Railroads, Trade andIndustry, and Banking and Insurance.Among the contributors under the first division are Mr. A.W. Sullivan, Assistant Second Vice-President of the IllinoisCentral R. R., on " Railway Management and Operation;" andMr. E. D. Kenna, Vice-President of the A., T. & S. F. Ry., on"Railway Consolidation."Under the head of Trade and Industry are presented papersby Mr. A. C. Bartlett on "Wholesale," and Mr. Dorr Kimball on "The Credit Department of Modern Business."Among the lectures in Banking and Insurance are includedtwo by Mr. James H. Eckels on "Methods of Banking" and"The Comptroller of the Currency," articles by Mr. D. R.Forgan on investments, and by Mr. H. K. Brooks on the natureof foreign exchange business.340 pp., 8vo, cloth; net, $1.50; postpaid, $1.62.A History of the GreenbacksWith Special Reference to the Economic Consequences of Their IssueBy Wesley Clair Mitchell.The first part of this book is given up to a study of the eventswhich led to the issue of the paper money. In the second part,the effects of the desertion of a metallic for a paper standardare traced in detail ; prices are examined, on the basis of theAldrich report, and the effect of price-changes on the distribution of wealth. This investigation incidentally proves the truthof the subsistence theory of wages.xvi+578 pp., 8vo, cloth; net, $4.00; postpaid, $4-25-The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IllinoisBOOKS FOR TEACHERSThe Psychology of Child DevelopmentBy IRVING KINGA study of the child's mind with a description of his mentalprocesses and attitudes. The last chapter gives a valuabledescription of the development of a child's mind during his schoolyears as evidenced by his interests during that time.280 pp., 8vo, cloth; net, $1.00; postpaid, $1.12.The Place of Industries in ElementaryEducationBy KATHARINE ELIZABETH DOPP"A careful treatment of the great subject of motive power in children andits development and culture. Chapter IV should be read by every teacher andevery parent. It is indeed a genuine contribution to practical pedagogy that willdo much in practice to overcome the propensities of the 'bad' boy." — SchoolWork."Miss Dopp seems to have absorbed the best that Darwin, Froebel, andProfessor Dewey have given to the educational world, and after several years'teaching has made an attempt to supply the need which Miss Jane Addams andmany others have so keenly felt of giving a historic background to the great massof workers in an industrial society daily growing more complex." — The Commons,Chicago, 111." Miss Dopp's volume offers one more protest against that school-keepingwhich finds its basis in suppression rather than direction, in impression ratherthan expression, in impassivity rather than activity It is worth the seriousconsideration of every school man, and will be found valuable to those interestedin the factory problem." — Boston Transcript.208 pp., i2mo, cloth; net, $1.00; postpaid, $1.10.THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, Chicago, 111.AV T V M NANNOUNCEMENTSLectures on Commerce and AdministrationContaining an introductory article on " Higher Commercial Education," by J. LAURENCELaughlin, and contributions on Railroads, Trade and Industry, and Banking and Insurance, byMessrs. A. W. Sullivan, A. C. Bartlett, James H. Eckels, D. R. Forgan, H. S. Brooks,Dorr Kimball, and other prominent business men340 pp., 8vo., cloth, net, $1.50; postpaid, $1.62A History of theGreenbacRsWith Special Reference to the Economic Consequences of their IssueBy Wesley Clair Mitchellxvi+578, 8vo, cloth; net, $4.00; postpaid, $4.25 Russian CivilizationIts Past and PresentBy Paul MilyoukovRecast from a series of lectures delivered atthe University of Chicago during the SummerQuarter of 1903®6e Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylonia(About 2250, B. C.)Volume I: Text, Transliteration, Translation, Historical, and Philological Notes and IndicesBy Robert Francis HarperPrice, for subscription, $3.00; after publication, $4.00Volume II : A Comparison of the Hammurabi and Mosaic LawsBy William R. HarperThe Recoveryand Restatement ofthe GospelBy Loran D. Osborn254 PPm i2mo, cloth; net, $1.50; postpaid, $1.60 Mental Traits of SexBy Helen Bradford Thompsonviii+188 pp., 8vo, cloth; net, $1.25: postpaid, $1.35Studies in Logical TheoryEdited by John DeweyWith the co-operation of the Members and Fellows of the Department of Philosophyat the University of Chicagoxiv-f 300 pp., 8vo, cloth; net, $2.50; postpaid, $2.65The Psychologyof Child DevelopmentBy Irving King280 pp., i2mo, cloth; net, $1.00; postpaid, $1.12 Animal EducationBy John B. WatsonPhysical Chemistry in the Serviceof the SciencesBy JACOBUS VAN 't Hoff, Professor Ordinarius of the University of Berlin. English versionby Alexander Smith150 pp., 8vo, cloth; net, $2.50; postpaid, $2.65THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESSCHICAGO ILLINOIS