Gbe IHnlversits of ChicagoPrice $J»00 founded by john d. rockefeller Single CopiesPer Year 5 CentsUniversity RecordPUBLISHED BY AUTHORITYCHICAGOGbe mniversitg of Gbtcago pressVOL. Ill, NO. 30. PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY AT 3:00 P.M. OCTOBER 21, 1898.Entered in the post office Chicago, Illinois, as second-class matter.CONTENTS.I. The Twenty-sixth University Convocation - • - 179-185II. The University Elementary School - - - 185III. Programme of the Graduate Schools - - - 185IV. The Calendar 186The Twenty-sixth University Convocation*The Twenty-sixth (Mid- Autumn) Convocation ofthe University of Chicago was held upon the seventeenth of October on the occasion of the granting ofthe degree of LL.D to William McKinley, the President of the United States of America. The Convocation procession consisted of about fifteen hundredpersons made up from the following : The students ofthe Graduate and Divinity Schools, and of the Colleges, the members of the ' Alumni Clubs, students ofthe Morgan Park Academy, Rush Medical College,Bradley Polytechnic Institute, Chicago Manual Training School, Kenwood Institute, Harvard School, SouthSide Academy, Princeton-Yale School, Rugby School,Culver Military Academy, and the Councilors and Ex-Councilors of the Junior and Senior Colleges and ofthe Graduate and Divinity Schools, the Fellows ofthe University, the Faculties of the Affiliated Schoolsand of the University, the members of the UniversitySenate and Council, official guests and Trustees ofthe University, the President of the University, andthe President of the United States. The processionpassed from the halls of* the University through*Held in Kent Theater, The University Quadrangles, October 17, 1898. Fifty-seventh street and Lexington avenue to thePresident's mansion, where it countermarched inreview before the President' of the United States,and, passing to the Quadrangles, received and accompanied the President of the University and thePresident of the United States to Kent Theater,where the exercises took place. The Invocation wasoffered by the University Chaplain. The followingaddress on behalf of the Trustees was delivered bythe Reverend Alonzo K. Parker, D.D. :THE FIRM FOUNDATION OF NATIONAL PEACE.The question whether or not the United States ofAmerica is a nation was definitely settled a generation ago when political ideas, as well as armies, metin conflict upon southern battlefields. Today everyschoolboy is taught that the Fourth of July is thebirthday of a nation ; and the men who go to thepolls have forgotten that their right to boast themselves citizens of a nation was ever seriously disputed.The arguments of political theorists will never invalidate in the popular conviction the legitimacy of thatclaim. Mrs. Partington's broom wages unequal warfare with the Atlantic ocean. The question of thepresent hour assumes that the victory is with theAtlantic ocean; and the orator is answered withenthusiastic applause when he demands for thisnation rank with the other great nations of the civilized world. Where are its material resources surpassed? cries the perfervid patriot. Where is thesense of national honor keener? What people isbraver or more intelligent? Let it stand forth inmajestic self-assertion and boldly accept its larger180 UNIVERSITY RECORDresponsibility. When the sovereignties of the OldWorld are assembled, let it no longer bethought thatadmission to their deliberations can be refused to thesovereign nation of the New World.While the air is ringing with these large claims, letsober inquiry once more be made into the meaning ofa word upon all men's lips. Granted freely the Nation,and the privilege of writing it with a capital N. Butwhat is a nation ? What its origin, its responsibilities, its powers ? The reconsideration, just now, ofthese familiar questions might serve to clarify turbidpolitical discussion and lift it to a higher plane. Hereis matter, however, for an argument far exceedingboth your patience and my privilege. It may be possible, nevertheless, within the just limits of the occasion, to show how national peace finds its firm foundation in the popular acceptance of the true conceptionof the Nation itself.The once powerful doctrine of the divine right ofkings is completely alien to this generation, and livesonly in the sentiment which decks with garlandswhen anniversary days come round the statue ofEngland's "fair and fatal king" where at CharingCrossArmoured he rides, his headBare to the stars of doom.The kindred doctrine of the sovereignty of the people leads a precarious existence in the mouths of menwho love large-sounding words and have not stoppedto consider that it is only a specious form of theancient blasphemy that might makes right. Withneither of these theories of the origin of the nationare political thinkers today much concerned.The social contract theory of the state, with whichthe political writings of the last two centuries arefilled, has had so respectable a support, and has playedso large a part in our own history, that its repudiationis not altogether easy, even now. The confession thatit is all in the air is somewhat reluctantly made. Butit must be made, nevertheless. There is not a particleof evidence to support the assumption of a naturalman consenting, for the sake of the obvious advantagesof personal security and gain, to abandon his irresponsible condition of isolation and independence ina state of nature, and by free contract to form a state.Aristotle answered by anticipation the speculations ofHobbes and Rousseau and Locke when he definedman as by nature a political being. Hardly more defensible than this abandoned hypothesis, but deceiving the ear with words that have the sound of practical common sense, is the notion of Sir James Mackintosh, who, rejecting what he called "chimericalcompacts," grounded political duties upon "a solid basis of general convenience; " or Macaulay's shallowdefinition of government as "a contrivance of humanwisdom to secure a purely temporal end, namely, theprotection of the persons and the property of men."The irrefutable objection to these theories is thevicious assumption, common to them all, that humanconduct is absolutely controlled by selfish motives,and that men are always seeking selfish ends. Patriotism, then, is a silly sentimentality, and those religious writers are to be justified who have denouncedlove of country as an affection inconsistent with theChristian spirit which must hold all peoples in an impartial regard. Why should hats be lifted and the airrent with cheers at sight of a flag which is nothingmore than the symbol of a mighty police force? If one'scountry, in the last analysis, is found to be just a stupendous commercial agency or board of trade, whymust it be thought "a thing men should die for atneed?" Whether or not they are able to bring it tolight and to define it, some nobler conception of thenation than that of a contract or a constabulary mustlie deeply bedded in the minds of the American people. This vaguely apprehended conception moves themto heroisms and sacrifices; and the deed demanded isdone; the offering required is made in joyful surrender to the highest duty to which the soul of man canbe called. An austere spirit is upon them, kindling intheir souls purer fires than selfish passions have everfed. They cannot reason concerning it, and at the sametime, in loyalty to their manhood, they dare not disobey. "It is not carelessly" (I am using now thelanguage of Dr. Mulford) " that human lips have calledtheir country the fatherland ; nor is it with vagueand idle phrases, but in a spirit of holy and sonlikesacrifice and in solemn crises, that men have turnedto their country as the mother of all."This nobler conception of the nation, by which itscitizens have so often been animated unav/ares, hasbeen the inspiration of the political discussions ofthe profoundest thinkers. It is not a discovery oftoday, though it has been set forth with increasingclearness and conviction in the endeavor to solve thepolitical problems of the last quarter of a century. Imay be allowed, in stating it, to employ once moreMilton's often-quoted phrase : " A nation ought to bebut as one huge Christian personage, one mightygrowth or stature of an honest man, as big and compact in virtue as in body; for look, what the ground andcauses are of single happiness to one man, the sameye shall find them to a whole state."The nation, that is to say, is not a machine, or apartnership, but a living organism. It grows according to the law of its own life. It has its own char*UNIVMBSITY HEGORJD 181acter and its own vocation. It continues from generation to generation, like the unfailing flow of a river.It may be destroyed, indeed, as a century-rooted oakmay be hewn down, but it cannot disband by themutual consent of its parts. For its members live inits life. They are dependent upon it and serve it.More than this, the nation is a moral organism. Inits life is discovered a steadfast confession of moralresponsibility, and assertion of justice, a noble exultation in sacrifices for righteousness' sake. It offersa moral justification for every exercise of physicalforce. Its laws are grounded, not in self-interest orexpediency, but in the supremacy of right over wrong.This is not the language of metaphor. We are dealing with the thing itself. The conception of thenation as a moral organism is forced upon thoughtfulminds as the only adequate explanation of the facts ofnational life. It claims what other theories lack, thesupport of history. National annals would be asbarren of interest or instruction to succeeding generations as the minutes of the business meetings of somejoint- stock concern, were it not that they reveal themoral life of the nation, in legislation which recognizesobligation to maintain the moral order, in its vindication of the rights of the poor, the weak, and theoppressed, in its struggle against the insolent claims ofpowerful combinations of selfish and greedy men, inits solicitude to protect the ignorant and the youngfrom moral contagion, in the majestic assertion of itsauthority in the punishment of evil-doers. It is stillthe moral Iff e of the nation that is revealed when weread of the men whom it holds in honorable remembrance for the worthy service they have rendered it —its statesmen, its military commanders, its teachers,its philanthropists, its poets, and its artists. It is interms of moral and spiritual enrichment, and not ofmaterial values, that we adequately measure whatthese men have done. It is not that they have promoted trade and increased the national wealth. Farmore, far other than this. They have furnishedexamples of unselfish devotion to the public good.They have enlightened and quickened the nationalconscience. They have stirred and rebuked a sluggishcontent with the gratification of physical wants inoffering the ideals which show what human life mightbe in the complete calling forth of its possibilities ofmoral strength and harmony and beauty.A moral personality has a divine origin. If man isa responsible being, he is responsible to God. If thenation is not constituted in the obedience of the multitude to an absolute king ruling by divine right, if itdid hot spring from a voluntary compact, if it is notthe result of commercial necessities, if it is a moral organism, its origin and its foundation are divine, andits supreme obligation is not to obey the voice of thepeople, but to fulfill the requirements of a righteousGod. What else is meant by the call to prayer in darkdays of national defeat and disaster, what else by TeDeums for deliverances and victories ? Nor is it to bethought that the rulers of nations are merely complying with ancient and empty forms when, in the dreadful hour of the acceptance of weighty trusts, theysolemnly lift up their hands to Almighty God, beseeching his help that they may rule in righteousness." The four pillars of government," said Lord Bacon," are religion, justice, counsel, and treasure ; " religion,the recognition of, and the dependence upon, God ;justice, the bringing of human affairs into conformityto the holy will of God ; counsel, the wise deliberationand forethought through which justice is assured ; lastof all, least important of all, treasure, the material resources in which fools make their boast, as though italone were the sufficient support of the state.The vocation of the nation, then, its high callingof God, the purpose for which it is invested with adivine authority, is the maintenance of righteousness.Judaea does not stand alone in history, the solitaryexample of a theocracy. Whatever form a government may take on, it is still a theocracy, and more andmore plainly seen to be such, if it fulfills its appointedtask in the steadfast confession of the supremacy ofGod.And the end of righteousness is peace. I havereached the conclusion toward which I undertook tolead you. In the popular acceptance of the conception of the nation as a moral personality having itsorigin in God, \ obeying its calling of God, confessingits obligation to God, is discovered the firm foundation of national peace.Other unassailable foundation can no man lay.Kings ruling by assumed divine sanction easily forgettheir responsibilities in the arrogant assertion of theirrights, and draw the sword, invoking war, from lov© ofadventure merely, or the foolish craving for the renown of great deeds, from greed of territory, or thethirst to avenge insulted honor. Democracies whichconceive of themselves as merely trading companiesor commercial agencies will as readily go to war whenthe assertion of superior physical force seems likelyto increase the nation's wealth or to enlarge its business opportunity. That government which recognizes no higher ends than the protection of the persons and the property of its citizens will enter todayinto peace alliances for the furtherance of these ends,and find a pretext tomorrow to break these alliances,if selfish interests appear to be endangered. Under182 UNIVERSITY RECORDthe sway of materialistic conceptions of national privilege and duty no peace is stable. In these conditionsthere hovers always upon the horizon of the serenestsky the little cloud like a man's hand that in an hourmay gather portentous volume and darken the landwith woe.But as the popular mind discovers what its owndeepest and most sacred emotions in times of nationaltrial or peril mean, and learns clearly that, the life ofthe nation is moral, not physical, and that the nationstands not for power, but for righteousness, will thepossibility of a resort to war seem continually moreremote and its necessity more dreadful. The armedconflict for which apologies are painfully sought willbecome abhorrent among all civilized people, and itsboasted victories a hissing and a reproach. Thatancient sophistry that in the life of every people waris needed to offer the opportunity otherwise wantingfor deeds that will ring clear in the trumpet of fame,and to furnish discipline in the highest qualities ofmanhood, even though it be" War where none triumph, none sublimely fall,War that sits smiling with the eyes of Cain,"will be exposed to contempt and driven into forget-fulness.Shall these things be ? May we put our trust inthe poets and the dreamers of millennial dawns asagainst the builders of battleships and the forgers ofartillery?" Yet dreams are half-deeds, and this solid worldIs built on visions : wherefore let no scornGreet those who in the midnight grope for mornAnd dream that war's red banner shall be furled,And war's foul reek of blood and smoke be curledNo more about an earth renewed, reborn."That is a noble saying recorded of the EmperorProbus : " If I live, the Roman Empire will need nomore soldiers." In the irony of fate he was slain byhis own army whom his peaceful ambition muchdispleased. So has many a prophet perished. Theirprophecies, nevertheless, since they are the utteranceof a divine prompting, march on to their fulfilment.The day comes, though many a lifetime of hopes deferred must measure, perhaps, the interval betweennow and then, when there will be no more need ofsoldiers.In the story of the Holy Grail, as Tennyson tells it,there is a lovely description put into the mouth ofPercevale, the knight, of that mighty hall at Came-lot which the mage Merlin built for King Arthur.Let me quote from it : " And, brother, had you known our hall within,Broader and higher than any in all the land !Where twelve great windows blazon Arthur's wars,And all the light that falls upon the boardStreams thro' the twelve great battles of the King.Nay, one there is, and at the eastern end,Wealthy with wandering lines of mount and mere,Where Arthur finds the brand Excalibur,And also one to the west, and counter to it.And blank ! and who shall blazon it? when and how?O, there perchance when all our wars are doneThe brand Excalibur will be cast away."Divine, indeed, were the tasks for which the goodsword Excalibur was appointed. It must driveout the heathen hordes from the fair fields theywould lay waste ; it must ruthlessly cut down thecruel and bloody men by whom the defenseless wereoppressed; in holy vengeance it must make shortwork with all who withstand established order anddefy righteous laws. But to the divinely appointedtasks of the sword there is an end. Hail the promiseof that day! Then, in the great banqueting hall,where the feast of the jubilee of peace is spread, menshall turn from the solemn glory of the windowswhich blazon righteous wars to iix their eager eyesupon the great western window, vacant no longer, butglowing now with the pictured record of that achievement most illustrious and memorable in humanannals, in which war itself is conquered and the brandExcalibur is cast away.After the singing of the national hymn, "America,"Head Professor Albion W. Small, Ph.D., Vice President of the Congregation, delivered the followingADDRESS ON BEHALF OF THE CONGREGATION.The Constitution of the United States creates anelective chief magistracy with responsibilities so largeand with powers so ample that unfriendly critics haveprophesied either its eventual subversion of democracyor its collapse under the stress of exceptional events.Upon the spirit and the intelligence of the Chief Magistrate depend, in large measure, the welfare of the individual citizens, their temper toward the government,the stability of our political system, and our statusamong the nations. It is an open question of political theory whether the rare powers of the Americanchief magistracy are on the whole an element ofstrength or of weakness; whether they are a safeguard or a menace to the Republic.The President of the United States must combinein his own official person some of the most essentialfunctions which the British constitution dividesbetween the Premier and the Sovereign. He is electedas the embodiment of party spirit, as the impersona-UNIVERSITY RECORD 183tion of party character, as the exponent of party belief,as the champion of party policy. His success in fulfilling the requirements of his office depends upon hisability, first, to retain the support of his party, and,second, to rise with his responsibility and his opportunity to a loftier viewpoint and a fairer vantageground than an individual in his private or partisancharacter could attain. Like the Premier he must leadhis party. Like the Sovereign he must be superior topartisanship.During recent months the chief magistracy of theUnited States has sustained a test in some respectsmore critical than that which it endured in the personof President Lincoln. So rapidly did the crisis developthat this aspect of the problem attracted comparatively little popular attention. The concrete act, the immediate effect, monopolized our thought. But notleast in importance of all the issues involved was thiscrucial question ; Can the chief magistracy maintainsuch equipoise between the individuals, and the parties, and the coordinate legislature, and the sections,and the nation, that the balance of our political system will be preserved, while the wisdom of intrustingsuch unique powers to a single magistrate will bereaffirmed ?It would be both fulsome and false to assert that asa sequel of this test the oppositions of parties are adjourned; that diversities of judgment about publicmeasures have disappeared ; that criticism of detailshas ceased. It would be a betrayal of academic trustto seize an occasion like this for indiscriminate laudation of particulars about which parties divide andindividuals disagree. Without implying a judgmentupon debatable issues, it is a duty and a privilegefor the university to emphasize the service of thepresent administration in sustaining the prestigeof the executive office. A chief magistracy of whichthe people were fearful or jealous or contemptuouswould be a perpetual menace to our private welfare and to our political integrity. It is not leastamong the reasons for pride in our institutions that inour own esteem the supreme office of the nation isvenerable. Since the successor of Mr. Lincoln degraded the presidency to its nadir, each subsequentincumbent has contributed something to confirm theoffice in the respect of the nation. There is not, nor isthere likely to be in the future, any serious doubt thatin this regard the present administration has crownedthe work of its predecessors. This splendid service ofour present Chief Magistrate has been due to his singular combination of executive efficiency with loyal subordination of his personality to his representative obli-gations. Seeing the national character symbolized in the President's official conduct, the citizens have hadtheir confidence in their government confirmed. Theyhave become conscious of heightened national self-respect. They have recognized more exalted nationalstandards. They have enlarged their conception ofnational vocation.The President has reflected the composite characterof our citizenship and of our political structure. Hehas remained mindful that the strength and the wisdom and the loyalty of the nation are not confined togeographical sections, to preferred occupations, toprivileged classes, or to a dominant party. In theexecutive judgment the nation has enjoyed a " proportional representation" more just to all intereststhan any mechanical assortment of the suffrage couldsecure. The President has recently, without offense,mentioned together in respectful commemoration thenames of Washington and Greene and Decatur andGrant and Sherman and Sheridan and Logan andLee and Jackson and Longstreet. It was a consistent and significant sign of an accomplished fact.Not long ago it was still uncertain whether ournational motto must be rendered "many united inone" or "one divided into many." The magnanimous man of Appomattox ventured only to invokethe desirable consummation in the measured appeal, "Let us have peace!" Today, as the fruit ofpeace, we have not merely cessation of sectional strife,but fraternal union of heart and hand for presentand future national tasks. The Chief Magistratehas exalted his office by recognizing and encouragingand ratifying this consummation. He has thusstrengthened the belief that the chief magistracy,like the whole fabric of the government, is destinedto be in purpose and in spirit, not an instrument ofpartiality and favor, but of the people and for thepeople.t)ur President has successfully represented thepacific and humane and equitable spirit of thenation. To ourselves, if not yet to the rest of theworld, the events of the months just past havebrought renewed assurance that the peaceful disposition and purpose of the American people areessentially unchanged. If this were not the case,national humiliation would be more appropriate thannational rejoicing. Our President valiantly represented the permanent character of our people, whilehe discouraged premature and un-American resort towar. The executive conduct has thus confounded thecalculations of those prophets of evil who predict thetransformation of the American presidency into amilitary monarchy. The specter of the man on horse-ack is more unreal than ever in the United States,184 UNIVERSITY RECORDOn the contrary, the most captious foreign criticshave been forced to recognize the executive dignityand moderation and restraint. The more sympatheticand intelligent foreign observers have been moved toapproval as gratifying as it was rare. If, in the nearfuture, Great Britain should realize the proposal toerect upon English soil a monument to Washington,the memorial of our first President would evidently bean almost equal tribute to our latest Chief Magistrate.The President has worthily represented the mightof the nation when he has acted as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. We honor ourselvesmost in honoring the splendid endeavors of our ChiefMagistrate to win a triumph of humanity throughpersistent exercise of the offices of peace. To haveprecipitated needless war would have been a lastingnational infamy. We honor the President for averting resort to arms until war was inevitable, and, because no longer avoidable, a solemn and sacredobligation. The President was, therefore, never moretruly representative of the conscience of the nationthan when, with swift severity, he wielded his poweras Commander-in-Chief of our soldiers and sailors,who in their turn displayed the genuine quality ofour people by a valor in battle eclipsed only by theirchivalry in victory.Thus the Chief Magistrate has both representedAmerican character, and he has at the same timeestablished higher standards of public action. Theexecutive office has enormously increased its claim topopular respect, and has correspondingly augmentedits capacity for service in the state. An observer unfamiliar with American institutions might easily mistake the present attitude of partisan opponents andsupporters alike for evidence that we have transferredto our elective Chief Magistrate the monarchical doctrine that the king can do no wrong. Whatever maybe our ultimate apportionment of public responsibility, reflective men, at all events, see in the recentconduct of the presidential office vindication of thepast and assurance for the future of American democracy.In expressing to you, sir, our respect, our gratitude,and our admiration, the members of the Universitybelieve that we voice a general judgment of the citizens of the Republic. You have honored, while youhave represented, the Nation, by the careful poise, thecautious prudence, the courageous patience, the constant patriotism with which you have discharged thepeculiar task of your administration. This officialconduct, at once so typical and so exemplary, has atthe same time satisfied the citizens' expectations ofthe Executive, and gratified our pride and stimulated our ambition. You have led the nation upon atriumphal march of forbearing peace and of unfaltering war. At every stage your leadership has deservedthe loyal approval : " This is lofty, this is judicial, thisis honorable, this is American."We congratulate you, sir, upon this secure result ofyour official life. Your exercise of the presidentialprerogative has increased the prestige of the chiefmagistracy and exalted the standards to which itmust henceforth conform. This result is both asplendid national achievement and a glorious nationalideal. This achievement and this ideal the Universitywould signalize and celebrate.The President of the United States was then presented to the University to receive the degree of Dcctorof Laws by Dean H. P. Judson with these words :Quandoquidem Curatores Universitatis Chicagi-niensis rationi consentaneum atque aequum esseconstituerunt eos qui, ceteris et ingenio et labore stu-dioque praestantes, vel in litteris scientiave magnosperfecerint conatus vel in rebus administrandiscivitatibus suis insigniter profuerint omamentis ettitulis augeri, ut et ipsis latis debita reddatur et ali-orum ad aemulationem horum virtutum gloriaequeexcitentur animi,Nunc itaqueG UILIELMUM McKINLE Y,Civitatium Foederatarum Arnericanamm Praesidem,quinuperin extremo discrimine communi saluti nullain re defuit, tibi ut summo quern conferre haec Uni-ver sit as potest gradu dignum commendo et irado.The President of the University conferred thedegree of Doctor of Laws in the following terms :Te, GUILIELME McKINLEY,virum omnibus et disciplinae et usus ornatum rebus,qui in tempore difficillimo, cum non modo harumcivitatium sed etiam exterarum nationum commodain summum voearentur discrimen, cumque vix quis-quam viam rectam dignoseeret, communi saluti nullain re defuistL sed contra summo consilio atque pru-dentia res turbatas felicem ad exitum perduxisti,Curatores Universitatis CMcaginiensis,suadente Ordine amplissimo Senatus,ad gradum Legum Doctoris, mine primum a se con-latum, admitti, tibique omnia iurahonores privilegiaad hune gradum hie aut alibi pertinentia dari etconcedi voluerunt.In cuius rei testimonium tibi et hune cucullum, quout alumnus Universitatis induaris, et hoc diplomaUNIVERSITY RECQHD 18§trado. Tu autem made virtute, remque publicam,ut in tempore praeterito, ita in tempore reliquo, coleet defende.The benediction was thereupon pronounced by theUniversity chaplain.The following officials were entrusted with thedirection of the proceedings :Chief Marshal— George Edgar Vincent, Marshal ofthe Congregation.Aids — Samuel N. Harper, John Mills, Elliot Norton.First Assistant Marshal — Ned Arden Flood.Aids — Leroy Tudor Vernon, Morton Harris, VanSumner Pearce, Arthur Sears Henning.Assistant Marshals — William Hill, James Harrington Boyd.Head Marshal — Willoughby George Walling.Assistant Marshals — William France Anderson,Ralph C. Hamill, Walter Joseph Schmall, CharlesVerner Drew, Henry Gordon Gale, Hervey FosterMallory, Nott William Flint, Allen Grey Hoyt, WarrenC. Gbrrell, Frederick Day Nichols, Philip SchuylerAllen, Joseph Edward Raycroft, Clarence BertramHerschberger, Fred Merrifield.Head Usher — Rollin Elias Mallory.Assistant Ushers — Otto Ryerson, Frank ClaytonCleveland, Ainsworth Whitney Clark, Murdock Had-don MacLean, Samuel Clark, Edward Green.The University Elementary School.GROUP I, AGES SIX TO SEVEN YEARS.Group I this year is composed of eight boys, partof whom were in the school last year and beganthe study of social occupations and the industries ofproduction. In order that the new students may havethe benefit of this plan of instruction, and yet the oldstudents continue the general scheme of the school,this year a combination will be made. Their interestin the children of other countries was aroused ; eachchild named a boy he could think of not an American.A Spanish boy and an Irish boy were first mentioned,but gradually all nations were represented. The studyof the life of a boy in Holland was taken up first.In the Domestic Science department the childrenhave begun the weaving of baskets of vegetable andreed fiber. In cooking, observations are made of theaction of heat and water on cereals. The scholarsare taught simple measurements and how to care fortheir materials. In Science they have begun a study of seeds, thevarious kinds, and how scattered. In connection withthis work, they study soils, and have prepared pots forplanting seeds. They planted a fall garden, and madea list of bulbs which should be planted in Autumn.Gymnasium training is given three times a week.A part of the time is devoted to games which cultivatealertness of perception as well as strength of body.A beginning in Art work has been made, by takingup a study of fruits, coloring with water colors frommodels, on outlined paper.In Music once a week the Group is taught simplemelodies; members of the class suggest lines of poetry,which are harmonized by the teacher and sung by theclass. Once each week the Group unites with thefour next older groups in chorus singing.In the shop, Group I is learning the names and useof tools and motions in handling them.The scheme of hours as at present arranged is asfollows :9 : 00-9 : 30. — On Mondays, chorus singing ; Tuesdays, gymnasium ;Wednesdays and Fridays, science.9:30-10:00.— Mondays, manual training in shop; Tuesdays, domestic science; Wednesdays, hand work connected withscience ; Thursdays and Fridays, drawing.10 : 00-10 : 30. — Each day, social occupations and history.10 : 30-11 : 00.— Mondays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays, science; Wednesdays, and Fridays, sewing and weaving.11 : 00-11 : 30.— Mondays, Tuesdays, and Fridays, games and handwork. On Wednesdays, music (the group alone), and onThursdays, luncheon served in larger dining room.11:30-12:00.— On Mondays, games in gymnasium; Tuesdays,science ; Wednesdays, games ; and on Friday the luncheonperiod is one hour long, from 11 : 00-12 : 00.Programme of the Graduate Schools.ASSEMBLIES FOR THE AUTUMN QUARTER, 1898.October 6. Professor R. G. Moulton," The Unity of Literature."October 13. The President,"The Plan for a Student Faculty."October 20. Business Meeting.October 27. Professor F. F. Abbott," The Pioneer Realistic Novel."November 3. Professor E. G. Hirsch,(Subject to be announced.)November 10. Professor F. B. Tarbell,"The Teacher's Life and the Active Life."November 17. Head Professor J. M. Manly," Opportunities for Research in English Philology."December 1. Head Professor H. H. Donaldson," Some Obligations of a Scholar."December 8. Professor Shailer Mathews.186 UNIVERSITY RECORDCalendar.OCTOBER 21-29, 1898.Friday, October 21.Chapel-Assembly : Divinity School. — Chapel, CobbHall, 10:30 a.m.The Philological Society meets in the Faculty Room,Haskell Museum, 5:00 p.m.Election of officers ; Papers by Professor J. T. Hatfield, ofNorthwestern University, on "An Unknown Source ofErrors in the text of Hermann and Dorothea," and byHead Professor Hale, on " Professor Schulze and theCodex Eomanus of Catullus."Saturday, October 22.Regular Meetings of Faculties and Boards :Administrative Board of University Affiliations,8:30 a.m.Administrative Board of Student Organizations,Publications, and Exhibitions, 10:00 a.m.The Faculty of the Divinity School, 11:30 a.m.Final Examination of W. P. Behan, Haskell Museum,Room 36, 8:30 a.m.Sunday, October 23.Vesper Service, Kent Theater, 4:00 p.m.Address by Miss Jane Addams, of Hull House, "TradesUnions and Public Duty."Union meeting of the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A.,Haskell Museum, 7: 00 p.m.Monday, October 24.Chapel -Assembly : Junior Colleges. — Chapel, CobbLecture Hall, 10:30 a.m. (required of Junior CollegeStudents). Tuesday, October 25.Chapel-Assembly: Senior Colleges. -— Chapel, CobbHall, 10:30 a.m. (required of Senior College Students).Botanical Club meets in the Botanical LaboratoryRoom 23, 5:00 p.m.Head Professor Coulter will speak on " The Present Statusof Taxonomic Work,'1 and Dr. H. C. Cowles on "TheEcological Features of the Islands of Lake Michigan."Wednesday, October 26.Meeting of the Y. M. C. A., Haskell Museum, 7:00 p.m.L. Wilbur Messer, on "The World's Conference."Thursday, October 27.Graduate Assembly. — Chapel, Cobb Hall, 10:30 a.m.Professor^. F. Abbott, "The Pioneer Realistic Novel."Friday, October 28.Chapel-Assembly : Divinity School. — Chapel, CobbHall, 10: 30 a.m.Mathematical Club meets in Ryerson Physical Laboratory, Room 35, 4:00 p.m.Mr. B. M. Walker will read " Concerning the Quadratic 1-3Correspondence of two Planes."Notes: "Mechanical Properties of a System of Catenaries," by Mr. J. H. McDonald ; " A Theorem in Determinants," by Head Professor Moore.Saturday, October 29.Regular Meetings of Faculties and Boards :The Administrative Board of the University Libraries, Laboratories, and Museums, 8:30 a.m.The Faculties of the Graduate Schools, 10:00 a.m.The Faculty of the Morgan Park Academy, 11: 30 a.m.Material for the UNIVERSITY EECOKD must be sent to the Recorder by THURSDAY, 8:30 A.M., inorder to be published in the issue of the same week.