Gbe Tflntverstts of GbtcagoPrice $1*00 founded by john d. rockefeller Single CopiesPer Year 5 CentsUniversity RecordPUBLISHED BY AUTHORITYCHICAGOGbe Tamverefts ot Cbtcaso ©res*VOL. Ill, NO. 17. PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY AT 3:00 P.M. JULY 22, 1898.Entered in the post office Chicago, Illinois, as second-class matter.CONTENTS.I. Principles, Utterances, and Acts of John C. Calhoun, Promotive of the True Union of theStates. By the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, LL.D.(continued) 101-105II. Official Notices 106III. Special Announcements for the Summer Quarter 106IY. Ohio Society Reunion 106V. The Calendar 107Principles, Utterances, and Acts of John 0. Calhoun,Promotive of the True Union of the States.BY THE HON. J. L. M. CURRY, LL.D., RICHMOND, VA.V.These. preliminary statements enable us to discussmore intelligently the proposition that Calhoun, intheory of government, in inmost purpose, in depth ofconviction, in political action, was the truest friend ofthe Union. Webster, his great antagonist, spoke ofhim as " a historical character," connecting himselfsuccessfully and honorably, for all time, with the records of his country. He came of that sturdy Scotch-Irish immigration which settled the Piedmont regionfrom Virginia to Georgia — the stock of men who impressed themselves indelibly and beneficently uponAmerican character and institutions. Alexander,Jack, Preston, Pickens, Rutledge, Jackson, Polk,Houston, Calhoun, the commonwealth builders, werepossessed of industry, thrift, integrity, courage, conscience, obstinacy, adherence to principle, capacity forcommand. With the rugged honesty and fearlessnessof John Knox, an acutely analytical and metaphysical mind, Scotch relish for general principles and abstracttruths, Calhoun pursued truth with indomitable willand unswerving devotion, and his speeches were ignitedlogic, the embodiments of his own moral and mentalcharacteristics. His great opponent said there wasno way of coping with him except by denying hispremises. His speeches are such demonstrations thatQ. E. D. may be written at the end of them. Aristotle's reproach of Plato was " This is to talk poeticmetaphor." I recall only one line of poetical quotationin all his productions, " Truth crushed to earth willrise again." Adopting after intense study the exposition of the Constitution and the theory of our government, set forth in the Virginia resolutions and theluminous report thereon, and in the Kentucky resolutions, he was permeated by these principles, and theyillustrate his whole political life from his vice presidency until his death. His volume on the Government and Constitution of the United States is seldomread by his defamers, but it places him as a publiciston a plane with Aristotle.*Seeing Calhoun in the light of what has been said,one cannot fail to accept the statement that he waspreeminently, almost idolatrously, a friend of theUnion of the Constitution, not of a Union of subordinate colonies, of dependent provinces, of a vastmultitude of individuals, but of coequal states. No*Carlyle had small love for Gladstone and criticised withseverity the great Liberal leader. A friend, in gentleprotest, ventured to ask Carlyle if he did not remembera concurrence of ideas on a certain point. " Remember ! "said Carlyle with disgust, " Do you think I ever read hisspeeches? I have never read a word of them!" — JulyReview of Reviews, p. 65.102 UNIVERSITY RECORDheart beat more warmly, no one was readier to makesacrifices for the Union, whose element was the Constitution, no statesman more clearly, more vividly,appreciated its beauty, its value, its glory. Enteringpublic life in early manhood, the one pole star bywhich his path was guided, which in its pervasiveinfluence thrilled him in every liber of his being, wasthe honor of the whole country. The war of 1812 wasthe second war of independence. When free for themoment from Napoleon, England turned her wholepower upon us. Through press, pulpit and legislation,New England opposed the war, assailed the credit ofthe government, embarrassed all financial operations,gave aid and comfort to the enemy and conspired towithdraw from the Union. Calhoun, with the boldness of the bravest and the sagacity of the wisest,championed resistance, and saw our country gloriousin victory by sea and by land — symbols and prophecyof what sailors and soldiers are now achieving, to thejoy of all hearts, over a people whose national history,in both hemispheres, has been marked by atrociousslaughterings of men and women because theydemanded civil and religious freedom. The nationalexigency diverted the attention of Congress fromour internal to our external relations, and on suchoccasions the powers of government are strained.Under pressure of the safety of the Republic, or ofsupposed military necessity, there is an irresistibletendency to loose views of interpretation and todangerous expedients. It is foreign to my purpose tos$eak of Calhoun's views on various questions, or totry to vindicate his consistency — no mortal is wise atall hours — but I may say, from the beginning to theend of his life, his predominant object was to restoreour government to its original purity and to keep itwithin the simple duties indicated by the Constitution.He once said "for many a long year I have aspired todo my duty, under all circumstances, in every trial,irrespective of parties, and without regard to friendships or enmities, but simply in reference to the prosperity of the country." Infractions of the Constitution he dreaded, deplored, as a chivalrous man a stainupon his honor. Heroically, without thought of self,he flung himself at all times betwixt the object of hisworship and the mailed, the traitorous, hand thatwould strike it down. This appreciation and lovemade him shut his eyes to the rewards and honorsambition held before him, his ears to the blandishments and siren songs of power, and, standing on thethreshold of the highest position in the government,he resolutely cut loose from the party which honoredand cherished him as a prince and a leader, and begana career, paved with thorns and sharp stones, reject- ting ease and place, and entering upon an embitteredwarfare in which prejudice, interest and sectionalismwere arrayed against him. His struggle was toreinstate the Constitution in its original supremacyover the Congress and the executive. He made a broadand just distinction between a legislature, enactingstatutes, and a convention, the embodied sovereigntyof the people, ordaining an organic law. He distinguished sharply between a territory and a state,between " inhabitants " and " people," between a half -naturalized alien and a complete American citizen,the highest title of a free man. With intellectualcontempt and superlative scorn, he rejected the modern notion that our governments, state or federal, area democracy, and he held that action by a populationen masse, or by Congress outside, without, contrary to,prescribed forms and explicit grants, was usurpation,indistinguishable from mobocracy and despotism.As a result of the discrimination of the MissouriCompromise, immigration, slavery, unequal expenditure for the benefit qf a favored section of the country,the concentration of exchanges through the control ofthe government funds at the North, thus making it thecenter and heart of the financial system of the Union,the North acquired a dominant population and a preponderance of political power in the Federal legislature. This superiority was exerted, without stint orconscience, in a selfish use over the taxing powerand the national expenditures. The tariff acts of 1818and 1824 were enacted to encourage and protect manufactures, while millions of the public treasure weredisproportionately expended for improvements. Thetariff of 1832 deserves the ignominy of "the bill ofabominations," for so exorbitant were its exactionsthat out of an import of $64,000,000, it carried $32,000,000 into the treasury. It now became manifest thatthe powers of the government could be so pervertedby usurpation and loose construction of the Constitution as to oppress and impoverish one section for thebenefit of another. Here were developed the provinceand duty of the statesman, regardless of personalresults, to point out the errors of the government, thefalse constructions of the Constitution, the perils tothe Union, and to propose the best remedies of whichthe system was capable. This had been Calhoun'slife-long object ; for this he lived and labored, and tothis, his last thoughts and dying energies were consecrated. Protests against the tariff were made in allparts of the South. Mr. Calhoun said "He who earnsthe money, who digs it from the earth with the sweatof his brow, has a just title to it against the universe.No one has a right to touch it without his consent,except his government, and the latter only to theUNIVERSITY RECORD 103extent of its legitimate wants ; to take more isrobbery." In December 1828 the legislature of SouthCarolina adopted an exposition, drawn by Calhoun, inwhich the whole subject of the tariff and the relationsof the state and general government was elaboratelydiscussed with consummate ability. The paper laid.bare the oppressiveness and unconstitutionality of thelegislation of Congress, the danger to constitutionalliberty and free institutions, and suggested, as theultimate remedy, the right of the state, in the lastresort, to interpose her veto or nullification againstthe execution of the law within her limits.It was not the judgment of Calhoun that the remedyshould be immediately applied, as he preferred to waitand see if, through General Jackson's great influence,the protective system and its most objectionable cognate measures might not be broken up. The firstmessage removed every doubt of the President's policyand showed that, under malign influences, he meantto throw the weight of his administration againstrelief from mischievous legislation and the consequentperils to the constitutional Union. Consequently, aconvention was called in Carolina, and the acts of 1828and 1832, imposing duties, were solemnly declared voidand of no effect in the state. Congress soon passed theForce Bill, an ineffaceable record of the subserviencyof the American Congress, which, in turn, was immediately nullified by the gallant state. In the meantime, acompromise bill, proposed by Clay, was passed by Congress and accepted by Calhoun and his colleagues.Single-handed, the state of Marion and Pickens, Rut-ledge and Pinckney, Lowndes and Cheves, Hayne andCalhoun, extorted from an arrogant majority all whichshe demanded. A slanderous falsification alleges thatCalhoun yielded because Jackson threatened to hanghim. Let Professor von Hoist, by no means a partialjudge of Calhoun, answer : "If either had a right toclaim the victory, it was certainly not Jackson andthe majority in Congress, but Calhoun and SouthCarolina." In 1842, another tariff act was passed, inflagrant violation of the Compromise of 1833, for whicha deceptive justification was prepared by a distribution of a portion of the revenue and by most prodigalappropriations. A strenuous effort was made to excitestate interposition a second time, but Calhoun resistedbecause he was so attached to the Union, and wasaverse to putting it to hazard while there existed areasonable hope of redress by other and less drasticmeasures, and because of his hope and expectation,fortunately realized, that the approaching presidential election would bring into power a more constitutional party. Closing his masterly speech onthe tariff in 1842, his clarion voice rang out in cheer ful tones, " The great popular party is already ralliedalmost en masse, around the banner which is leadingthe party to its final triumph. On that banner isinscribed Free Trade ; Low Duties ; No Debt ; Separation from Banks ; Economy; Retrenchment and strictadherence to the Constitution"VI.While not strictly necessary for the vindication ofmy theme, it may not be wholly irrelevant to clearnullification from some misapprehension which prevails as to the basis of such a claim on the part of astate, and as to the legitimate and intended effects ofsuch a right. In the public mind, in grave treatises,in congressional speeches, it has been transformedinto " a raw head and bloody bones " to frighten children and hysterical voters. Prior to the adoption ofthe Constitution and the consequent formation of theUnion, citizens were subject to no control but that oftheir states, and could be to no other except by theact of the state itself. It was only by the ratificationof the Constitution by the separate act of the statethat its citizens became subject, in any manner, to theauthority of the general government. Without thisratification by their own state, the citizen stood, andwould have -continued to stand, in the same relationto the Union, as do the subjects of any foreign power.Rhode Island was not represented in the Conventionwhich framed the constitution, and after the ratification was treated for several years by Congress as aforeign state, and duties were imposed upon goodsimported from Rhode Island into the Union. Ratification bound the state as a community, and itrested with a state, as a member of the Union, in hersovereign capacity in convention, to determine, as faras her citizens were concerned, the extent of theobligations she assumed ; and if, in her opinion as asovereign, a law of Congress was unconstitutional, todeclare it null and void, and that declaration was obligatory on her citizens. The unconstitutional act is ofitself void, because beyond the right and power of thegovernment to enact, and no argument of expediencyor necessity can validate. The contention was thatthe state, as related to herself, so far as her own citizens were concerned, was the judge of her own obligations, and being the authority which imposed theobligations, must determine their extent, and thatthis declaration was binding on the citizens who owedto her paramount allegiance. In itself, nullificationis not a withdrawal from the Union; it is notto be in and out of the Union at the same time.That is a species of ad captandum vulgus misrepresentation. A state is, at all times, so long as its proper104 UNIVERSITY RECORDposition is maintained, both in and out of the Union ;in for all constitutional purposes, and out for allothers ; in to the extent of delegated powers, and outto the extent of the reserved, for the states are unitedto the extent of the delegated powers, and separatedbeyond that limit. The boundary betwixt the reservedand the delegated powers marks the limits of theUnion. Nullification was a definitive declaration onthe part of the sovereign state, made in due form,that an act of an agent, of the government, of thecompact, transcends the delegated power and is therefore void. The object was to confine Congress withinthe limits of granted power by arresting the actstranscending authority, not with the view of resuming the delegated power, of dissolving the Union, butto prevent the reserved powers from being assumed,and thus to preserve the Union by compelling thefulfillment of the object for which the trust wascreated. Nullification is not a daily medicine, but wasapplicable only when , the trust powers had beeninjuriously exceeded. It is a motion in arrest ofjudgment, an appeal to the constituent members ofthe government for a reconsideration, a temperatepreventive of unwise legislation, of dangerous usurpation of power, of» fatal encroachments on theConstitution. It calls for a pause, takes a reckoning, inquires where we are. Instead of resisting legitimate authority, or diminishing the rightful power ofthe Union, the object is to preserve them and therebythe Union itself. Need it be argued before intelligentpeople that the Union, as a political entity, may beeffectually destroyed by usurpation, by enlargement ofpowers, as by diminishing them ; by consolidation, bycentralization, as by absolving the allegiance of the citizens of a creating state, unless we mean by Union amere concretion of inorganic elements, a government,independent, self -existing, unrelated to the states orthe Constitution. In defending reserved powers againstencroachments, nullification is not destructive, butconservative and preservative. The general recognition of the right of state interposition would, in agreat measure, if not altogether, supersede the necessity of its exercise, by impressing on parties andpublic officers and the movements of the governmentthat moderation and justice so essential to harmonyand peace in a country of such vast extent and diversity of interests as ours. If Congress be the supremeand final judge of the extent of powers reserved anddelegated, then its discretion is the law and the Constitution is abrogated ; the whole order of the Federalsystem is reversed and the General Government is themaster and proprietor of the states. There is nobetter definition of despotism than a government of absolute, irresponsible majority, unchecked and unrestrained except by its own will. " It is idle, worsethan idle," said the great Carolinian, "to attempt todistinguish, practically, between a government of unlimited powers and one professedly limited, but withan unlimited right to determine the extent of itspowers." And hence, one rarely hears of a majority,in Congress troubling itself about granted or forbidden powers. Hoc volo, sic jubeo, sit pro rationevoluntas.The effect of state interposition should be to causethe government at Washington to abandon, for thetime being, the disputed power, or to apply to thestates themselves, the source of all political authority,for an additional grant. This would not be a revolutionary or forcible, but a peaceful expedient, admirablyadapted to prevent disorders and to preserve andconserve that most remarkable feature of ccncuiringmajorities. Our system comprehends two distinctgovernments, the general and state, which, properlyunderstood, constitute but one, the former representing the joint authority of the states in their confederatecapacity, and the latter, that of each state separately.Powers are divided, all must concede, between thedelegated and the reserved, the general and the stategovernments, and the powers reserved are reserved tothe states respectively. "It will be difficult to imaginea system more happily constituted than our Federalrepublic — a system of state and general governments,so blended as to constitute one sublime whole ; thelatter, having charge of interests common to all, andthe former, those local and peculiar to each state.With such a system, let the Federal Government beconfined rigidly to the few great objects for which itwas instituted, leaving the states to contend in generous rivalry to develop, by the arts of peace, theirrespective resources ; and a scene of prosperity andhappiness would follow heretofore unequaled onthe globe."VII.Civil service reform has been, of late years, so muchdiscussed, eliciting earnest advocacy and bitter hostility, it seems to be forgotten that in the senate, in1826, 1835 and 184:3, executive patronage was madethe subject of exhaustive reports and spirited debates. In 1835, Calhoun submitted a report in whichmay be found a full and conclusive discussion of theevils and dangers of the spoils system and of " Thecohesive power of public plunder." When offices,instead of being considered as public trusts to be conferred on the deserving, are regarded as the spoilsof victory to be bestowed as rewards for partisanservices, without respect to merit ; when it comes toUNIVERSITY RECORD 105be understood that all, who hold office, hold by tenureof partisan zeal and partisan service — it is easy tosee that the certain, direct and inevitable tendency ofsuch a state of things is to convert the entire body ofthose in office into corrupt and supple instrumentsof power, and to raise up a host of hungry, greedyand subservient partisans — " salaried dependents," asLucian calls them — ready for every service, howeverbase and corrupt. " Were a premium offered for thebest means of extending to the utmost the power ofpatronage, to destroy the love of country and to substitute a spirit of subserviency and man-worship ; toencourage vice and discourage virtue ; and in a wordto prepare for the subversion of liberty and the establishment of despotism, no scheme more perfect couldbe devised." Bringing a dangerous mass of privateand personal interests into operation in all publicelections and public questions, making the power andinfluence of Federal patronage an overmatch for thepower and influence of state patronage, have hadpainful and menacing illustration in these latter days.vm.After his efforts as Secretary of State, resultingsubsequently and chiefly through his energetic andfar-seeing statesmanship in the annexation of Texasand the defeat of the hostile machinations of GreatBritain, and declining the mission to England offeredby President Polk, Calhoun retired to private life, butthe unfortunate pledge in the party platform to claimthe whole territory of Oregon, then in dispute between Great Britain and the United States, caused amost irritating controversy, and war seemed inevitable. The country became alarmed, and the merchants in our great cities sent a message to theretired statesman begging him to return to the councils of the nation. In 1842, with unrivaled ability, hehad sustained the Ashburton Treaty, which removedthe causes of disagreement between the two contracting parties with reference to the northeastern boundary. The eyes of all interests and parties were nowturned to the one man, hitherto equal to every emergency, as being competent to avert this imminentdanger. He could not resist such appeals, threw himself into the breach, rallied the patriotism and goodsense of the country, and forced the reopening ofnegotiations which soon adjusted the trouble to thesatisfaction of both nations. To him was justly accredited the proud distinction and honor of saving usfrom a war with our best friend, about a matter sotrivial that not one in thousands of our citizens couldnow state intelligently the cause of the mad agitation. Perhaps no more timely and substantial service was ever rendered to our country. It is well to recallthese adjustments and forget historic grievances anddisputes and old prejudices, to reunite the sacred andnatural ties of kinship, to strengthen the bonds ofinterest and alliance with a people between whomand ourselves there is a community of race, of language, of law, of literature, of religion, of ideals, of freeinstitutions, of presumptions on the side of freedom,of responsibility for a true and ennobling civilization." O Englishmen — in hope and creed,In blood and tongue our brothers !We, too, are heirs of Runnymede ;And Shakespeare's fame and Cromwell's deedAre not alone our mother's."With sublime courage he sought also to prevent an invasion of Mexico by our army, because hesaw, with prophetic vision, that all hope of reformingthe government and preserving the Constitution andUnion of delegated powers would be blighted by theresults of war with a weak neighbor and the consequent acquisition of foreign territory, which wouldinevitably lead to an embittered sectional struggle,imperiling the Union. Few occasions in his checkered career so filled him with terror, with apprehensions for the safety of the Union, and for the equalityof the states as members of the great republic.An original letter from Mr. Calhoun, written on thefirst of August, 1844, makes clear his opinions. " Thewhole tenor of my long public life contradicts thecharge of being unfriendly to the Union, and everyfriend and acquaintance I have know it to be false.My life has been devoted to the service of the Unionand the constant and highest object of my ambitionhas been to preserve and perpetuate it, with our free,popular, federal system of government."John Randolph Tucker of Virginia related that ata dinner party in Washington, Bancroft stated in conversation that Calhoun was the original secessionistand responsible for the Civil War. To this statementTucker took exception and said that in the month ofCalhoun's death he was invited to go and see the greatstatesman. To an inquiry whether anything could bedone to save the Union, and whether the Missouri Compromise could not save it, Calhoun replied, " With myconstitutional objections I could not vote for it, but Iwould acquiesce in it to save the Union." He wasagain asked what he saw in the future of the country,and his reply was, "Dark forebodings, and I shoulddie happy if I could see the Union preserved." Bancroft inquired if Tucker had heard this reply ofCalhoun, to which Tucker answered, yes, and thenBancroft stated, " I will never again repeat the chargeI made against Mr. Calhoun here tonight."{To be concluded.}106 UNIVERSITY RECORDOfficial Notices.The Final Examination of Elizabeth Jeffreys forthe degree of Ph.D. will be held Monday, July 25, at3:00 p.m., in Room 20, Kent Chemical Laboratory.Principal subject, Chemistry; secondary subject,Physics. Thesis :" On Urethanes." Committee : Assistant Professor Lengfeld, Mr. Millikan, AssociateProfessor Maschke ; and all other instructors of thedepartments immediately concerned.Special Announcements for the Summer Quarter.GENERAL LECTURES.Throughout the Quarter there is given a series ofgeneral lectures by speakers representing the differentdepartments of University work. These lectureswill be given in most cases at 4:00 p.m. The roomsand subjects for each week will be published in theUniversity Record of the preceding week and postedon the bulletin boards.Professor Gaston Bonet-Maury, of the Universityof Paris, will give a series of twelve lectures duringthe second three weeks of the First Term on the" History of the Struggle for Liberty of Conscience inFrance since the Edict of Nantes and among theSlavs," as follows :1. Religious Liberty in General : Religious Sentiment amongthe Slavs.2. John Huss,— the Precursor of the Reformation.3. The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the Bloody Codein France.4. The War of the Camisards : the Prophets of the Cevennesand the Meetings in the South.5. Peter Cheltsiky and the Bohemian Brothers.6. John Lasky and Protestantism in Poland.7. The Reorganization and Martyrs of the Protestant Church inFrance in the Eighteenth Century.8. Amos Comenius and the Moravians.9. The Edict of Toleration (1787) and 'the American Assistants.10. J. J. Rousseau and the Triumph of Religious Liberty in 1789.11. Leon Tolstoi and the Martj rs of the Protestant Reformationin Russia.12. The Antisemitic Movement and the Present Struggle forReligious Liberty in France.Professor John Henry Barrows will give a seriesof six lectures during the second term on " The Christian Conquest of Asia." — Observations and studiesof religion in the Orient (The "Haskell Lectures"for 1898) :1. The Cross and the Crescent in Asia. Sunday, August 21.2. Observations of Popular Hinduism. Tuesday, August 23.3. Philosophic Hinduism. Thursday, August 25.4. Some difficulties of the Hindu Mind in acceptingChristianity. Sunday, August 28.5. Christianity and Buddhism in Asia. Tuesday, August 30.6. Confucianism and the Awakening of China.Thursday, September 1.No credit is given for this course. The following course of lectures is being given inthe German language :Mr. Almstedt : " Eine Fusstour in Thuringen."Dr. Kern : " Der Civis academicus im deutschen Heere."The following are the remaining lectures given in theFrench language by Dr. Rene de Poyen-Bellisle :3. Les tendances actuelles au theatre.4. La critique d'aujourd'hui.It is hoped also that some lectures in the Frenchlanguage may be given by Professor Bonet-Maury.The following lectures will be given in the Departments of Philosophy and Pedagogy :3. Head Professor Dewey : " Social Factors in EducationalReform."4. Assistant Professor Angell, : " Recent Discussions Concerning Experimental Psychology."5. Professor N. K. Davis (to be announced later).6. Associate Professor Bulkley : " An Experiment in Jena.'These are the remaining lectures on " The Life ofJesus " given by Professor Shailer Mathews :3. Messiahship as Defined by Jesus.4. The Conflict with Tradition.5. The Jesus of History and the Christ of Experience.Besides the above, it is expected that lectures willbe given on subjects in Political Economy, by HeadProfessor Laughlin, and Professor Bernard Moses ofthe University of California ; on subjects in PoliticalScience, by Head Professor Judson and ProfessorJames ; on subjects in History, by Professor Turner,of the University of Wisconsin ; on subjects connectedwith Hebrew Language and Literature, by AssociateProfessor Price ; on subjects connected with the English Language and Literature, by Associate ProfessorMacClintock, Assistant Professor Reynolds, and Dr.Triggs; on subjects connected with Astronomy, byProfessors Hale, Frost, and Barnard, of the YerkesObservatory ; on subjects connected with Geology, byProfessor Salisbury ; on subjects connected withBotany, by Head Professor Coulter ; on subjects connected with Theology, by Professor Caspar Rene?Gregory. *Other lectures will be announced from time to time.Ohio Society Reunion.An informal reunion of all Ohio people will be heldon the Campus, east of Cobb Hall, Friday, July 29, at6:30 p.m.UNIVERSITY RECORD 107Calendar.JULY 22-29, 1898.Friday, July 22.Chapel-Assembly : Divinity School. — Chapel, CobbHall, 10:30 a.m.Public Lecture: "Higher Aspects of Literary Synthesis," by Professor L. A. Sherman. Chapel, CobbHall, 4:00 p.m.Philological Society meets in Assembly Room, Haskell Museum, 8:00 p.m.Assistant Professor Clifford H. Moore will read a paper on"The Roman House," illustrated by the stereopticon.Sunday, July 24.Vesper Service, Kent Theater, 4:00 p.m.Union meeting of the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A.,Chapel; Cobb Hall, 7 : 00 p.m.Monday, July 25.Chapel-Assembly : Junior Colleges. — Chapel, CobbLecture Hall, 10:30 a.m. (required of Junior CollegeStudents).Final Examination of Elizabeth Jeffreys, Room 20,Kent Laboratory, 3:00 p.m. (see p. 106).Public Lecture : " Religious Liberty in General, Religious Sentiment among the Slavs," by ProfessorGaston Bonet-Maury. Assembly Room, HaskellMuseum, 4:00 p.m.Public Lecture : " British Municipalities," by Associate Professor Zueblin. Assembly Room, HaskellMuseum, 8:00 p.m.Illustrated by the stereopticon.Tuesday, July 26.Chapel-Assembly: Senior Colleges. — Chapel, CobbHall, 10:30 a.m. (required of Senior College Students).Public Lecture (in French) : " Les tendances actuellesau theatre," by Dr. de Poyen-Bellisle. LectureRoom, Cobb Hall, 4: 00 p.m.Public Lecture: "The Messiahship as defined byJesus," by Professor Mathews. Assembly Room,Haskell Museum, 4:00 p.m.Public Lecture : " The Yerkes Observatory and itsWork," by Professor George E. Hale. Kent Theater,8:00;p.m.Illustrated by the stereopticon.Sociology Club meets in Faculty Room, HaskellMuseum, 8:00 p.m.Mr. Laurence Gronlund will speak on " Practical ReformMeasures for the Dawn of the Twentieth Century."All interested are cordially invited.Material for the UNIVERSITY RECORD mustorder to bo published in the issue of the same week. Wednesday, July 27.Public Lecture : "John Huss, the Precursor of theReformation," by Professor Gaston Bonet-Maury.Assembly Room, Haskell Museum, 4:00 p.m.Public Lecture : " William Morris, Poet and Socialist,"by Dr. O. L. Triggs. Chapel, Cobb Hall, 4:00 p.m.Prayer Meeting of the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A.,east steps, Haskell Museum, 7:00 p.m.Thursday, July 28.Graduate Assembly : — Chapel, Cobb Hall, 10: 30 a.m.Public Lecture: "The Revocation of the Edict ofNantes and the Bloody Code in France," by Professor Bonet-Maury. Assembly Room, Haskell Museum, 4:00 p.m.Summer Conference of the instructors and studentsof the Correspondence Study Department of theUniversity Extension Division. Chapel, Cobb Hall,4:00 p.m.Public Lecture : " British Municipalities," by Associate Professor Zueblin. Assembly Room, HaskellMuseum, 8 : 00 p.m.Illustrated by the stereopticon.Friday, July 29.Chapel-Assembly : Divinity School. — Chapel, CobbHall, 10: 30 a.m.Public Lecture : " The War of the Camisards, theProphets of the Cevennes and the Meetings in theSouth," by Prof essor Bonet-Maury. Assembly Room,Haskell Museum, 4 : 00 p.m.Public Lecture : " Recent Discussions ConcerningExperimental Psychology," by Assistant ProfessorAngell. Chapel, Cobb Hall, 4 : 00 p.m.Ohio Society Reunion, Campus east of Cobb Hall,6:30p.m. (seep. 106).Public Lecture : " British Municipalities," by Associate Professor Zueblin. Assembly Room, HaskellMuseum 8 :00 p.m.Illustrated by the stereopticon.Public Lecture : " The Stars and Nebulae," by Professor Barnard. Kent Theater, 8 :00 p.m.Illustrated by the stereopticon.Mathematical Club meets in Ryerson Physical Laboratory, Room 36, 8:00 p.m.Associate Professor Maschke: "The Definition of aGroup. "Note— -F. A. 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